Housing Crisis

Blame for the housing crisis rests with George Bush, who pushed for an “ownership society” and simultaneously underfunded regulatory agencies. No, wait. It was the Democrats, particularly Maxine Waters and Barney Frank, who resisted regulation of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and wanted relaxed lending criteria for people with marginal credit. No, the blame is on the homeowners who bought houses they couldn’t afford. No way! It was the Federal Reserve’s policy of low interest rates that were kept low for too long after 9/11. No, it was the unscrupulous mortgage brokers who conned homebuyers into dangerous mortgages that were ticking time bombs. No, wait! It was the Wall Street fat cats who made a killing by bundling all these bad mortgages. No! It was Fannie and Freddie that distorted the private marketplace and forced Wall Street to take risks that they normally wouldn’t have! No, it was the Republicans who repealed the Glass-Steagall Act and let the Wall Street banks put this garbage together in the first place!
Or maybe, just maybe, it was all of the above.

A little background. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are government sponsored enterprises (GSE) that were created to underwrite mortgages. How do they work?

Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac stand behind mortgages in two ways: The first method is to purchase mortgages, bundle them together, and then sell claims on the cash flows to be generated by these bundles. These claims are known as mortgage-backed securities (MBS). The second method involves Fannie’s and Freddie’s purchasing mortgages or their own mortgage-backed securities outright and financing those purchases by selling debt directly in the name of the GSE. Both methods create publicly traded securities and thus permit a wide variety and large number of purely private investors to fund mortgages. (Footnote to a Fed Reserve testimony)

Here’s Alan Greenspan, then Chairman of the Federal Reserve, before a Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs hearing on Feb. 24, 2004:
“The expansion of homeownership is a widely supported goal in this country. A sense of ownership and commitment to our communities imparts a degree of stability that is particularly valuable to society. But there are many ways to enhance the attractiveness of homeownership at significantly less potential cost to taxpayers than through the opaque and circuitous GSE paradigm currently in place.”

Alan Greenspan cheered on the role of GSEs in the mortgage market : “Securitization by Fannie and Freddie allows mortgage originators to separate themselves from almost all aspects of risk associated with mortgage lending.” Mr. Greenspan thought this was a good idea at the time. He has probably revised this opinion.

“The GSEs’ special advantage arises because, despite the explicit statement on the prospectus … that they are not backed by the full faith and credit of the U.S. government, most investors have apparently concluded that during a crisis the federal government will prevent the GSEs from defaulting on their debt.”

“…the existence, or even the perception, of government backing undermines the effectiveness of market discipline.”

“Because Fannie and Freddie can borrow at a subsidized rate, they have been able to pay higher prices to originators for their mortgages than can potential competitors and to gradually but inexorably take over the market for conforming mortgages.”

“While the rate of return reflects the implicit subsidy, a smaller amount of Fannie’s and Freddie’s overall profit comes from securitizing and selling mortgage-backed securities (MBS). “
Later in the year, Fannie and Freddie were about to gobble up the MBS market.

Greenspan then cited a study by Fed Reserve economist, Wayne Passmore, which “suggests that [Fannie and Freddie] pass little of the benefit of their government-sponsored status to homeowners in the form of lower mortgage rates.”

“A substantial portion of these GSEs’ implicit subsidy accrues to GSE shareholders in the form of increased dividends and stock market value. “

“Unlike many well-capitalized savings and loans and commercial banks, Fannie and Freddie have chosen not to manage that risk by holding greater capital. Instead, they have chosen heightened leverage.”

“I should emphasize that Fannie and Freddie, to date, appear to have managed these risks well and that we see nothing on the immediate horizon that is likely to create a systemic problem. But to fend off possible future systemic difficulties, which we assess as likely if GSE expansion continues unabated, preventive actions are required sooner rather than later. “
“…the GSE regulator must have authority similar to that of the banking regulators.”

Barney Frank, of Massachusetts, summed up the problem at a hearing in 2004, “the tension is between safety and soundness on the one hand, financial stability, and on the other hand getting into housing.”

Later in this blog entry, you’ll read a quote from Ron Paul that may prompt you to ask for his pick to win in the upcoming March Madness basketball tournament.

The following is from a clip of a congressional hearing, probably in 2004. There had been an accounting scandal at Freddie Mac in 2003. The Offfice of Federal Housing Enterprise Oversight, which regulates Fannie Mae, had also found some irregularities and improper campaign contributions. I haven’t been able to find the date or transcript of the hearing.

Chris Shays of Connecticut expressed his concerns that Fan Mae had a capital withholding reserve of 3%, less than the 4% minimum required of banks and savings and loans.
Franklin Raines, then Chariman and CEO of Fannie Mae, responded: “These assets [houses] are so riskless that their capital withholding should be under 2%.” In hindsight, we laugh at this “riskless” assessment but Raines’ comment reflects the thinking of many who thought that housing prices simply would not go down.

Maxine Waters, of California, has been a tireless fighter for affordable housing. Her passion for affordability often outweighs any doubts about the financial stability of a program: “We do not have a crisis at Freddie Mac, and particularly at Fannie Mae, under the outstanding leadership of Franklin Raines.”
Lacy Clay, of Missouri, called the hearing a lynching of Raines.

This is an example of blind allegiance. Frank Raines stepped down in the latter part of 2004. In 2006, he was charged with “accounting irregularities” that falsely inflated Fannie Mae’s earnings. In 2008, he settled with the government for a small fraction of the $90 million that he “earned” in bonuses as head of the company.

Barney Frank, of Massachusetts, is more mindful of financial soundness than Waters, but said “I don’t see anything in this report that raises safety and soundness problems.”

Maxine Waters: “What we need to do today is focus on the regulator and this must be done in a manner so as not to impede [Fannie and Freddie’s] affordable housing mission, a mission that has seen innovation flourish, from desktop underwriting to 100% loans.” Like Greenspan, Ms. Waters may have revised her opinion somewhat on loose underwriting standards and 100% loans.

At an oversight hearing of the Dept of Housing and Urban Development on May 20, 2004, Ms. Waters again asserts her full commitment to affordability at the expense of financial soundness,
“I join with anybody who is interested in expanding low-income housing opportunities. Let me must say that the no downpayment, low downpayment, all of that, that is good stuff, but it is a drop in the bucket.”

At a House Review of OFHEO, the regulator of Fannie Mae, on 7/13/04, the Republicans renewed their call for regulation.
Sue Kelly, of New York: “While we are pleased with the tremendous strides that OFHEO and the Finance Board have taken to strengthen their oversight role, the two agencies really remain ill-equipped to handle the oversight of the GSEs.” She is echoing the view of Alan Greenspan and others that their needs to be a banking regulator overseeing the GSEs.

Paul Kanjorski, of Pennsylvania: “I am very concerned about the failure of the Bush Administration to appoint directors to serve on Fannie Mae’s and Freddie Mac’s boards. As a result of this decision, each board has five fewer individuals to serve than they usually had.” Had the board positions been filled, there would presumably been greater board oversight of Fannie and Freddie. As Thomas Frank has documented in “The Wrecking Crew”, Bush regularly understaffed federal agencies.

David Scott, of Georgia: “There is general agreement that OFHEO needs to be strengthened in order to ensure the safety and soundness of these GSEs as they expand rapidly and rely on complicated accounting methods. As we know, legislation has stalled which would consolidate the
functions of OFHEO and the Federal Housing Finance Board at the direction of the Administration.

Richard Baker, of Louisiana: “GSEs credit loss ratios have declined due to improvements in their underwriting and risk management, meaning they are not taking as many poor people as they used to take, apparently,while loan loss reserves in the same period of review have declined principally attributable to reduced losses.”

Barney Frank, of Massachusetts: “the tension is between safety and soundness on the one hand, financial stability, and on the other hand getting into housing.” Frank is pushing for more lending in manufactured housing, even though it is more likely to be financially vulnerable. “I do not think every individual product line has to be profitable. We want a cumulative profit, so I hope we would also say, look, if there is a danger of things not going too well in the one area in the affordable housing area, that can be made up for elsewhere.”

Ron Paul, of Texas, is eerily prescient: “The only discouraging thing about our discussions that we have here in the committee is for the most part we talk about the technical solutions, the job you have as regulators, and believing that it is a technical problem. I think it is much, much more fundamental.”

Ron Paul continues: “your responsibility is to provide safety and soundness, I mean, I see it as practically an impossible task if this things starts to unwind, and I believe it is going to unwind. It involves trillions of dollars and derivatives. It is just a huge monstrosity.”

Later, Paul asks the regulators: “do you think there is a possibility of a puncture of a bubble?”
Armando Falcon, Director of OFHEO, answers: “Our economists do track it and are aware of the historical trends and causes of price bubbles. My economists who have looked at this with lots of experience, believe that we do not currently have a price bubble in home prices.”

Kanjorski asks about the criteria for selecting directors of the regulatory boards.
Alicia Castaneda, Chairman of the Federal Housing Finance Board, responds: “I think those appointments should be based on the qualifications and the skills of the individuals.”
Kanjorski responds: “Is it peculiar in your mind that maybe out of 60 or 70 appointments, that 97 percent come from one party and only about 3 percent from the other party?”
Castaneda responds that she is not aware of those figures.

Edward Royce, of California, continues his push for more regulation: “Over the past year or so, this committee has spent a great deal of its time looking at the 14 housing government-sponsored enterprises. Last year, I authored legislation to create one regulator for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and the federal home loan banks. I felt such legislation was needed because the GSEs are too large and too important to our nation’s housing and financial markets not to have world-class regulation.”

In 2003, the Bush Administration had called for more regulation. Republicans at these hearings in 2004 were calling for more regulation. The Republicans controlled both houses of Congress and the White House. Bills were introduced and referred to committee. None made it into law.

Broadband

This from a Jan. 2009 position paper by the IEEE:

Studies establish that current policies have let U.S. network penetration,speeds, and prices lag other developed countries by a significant degree. For example,using OECD data, Atkinson, et.al. (2008, p.6) report household penetration (fraction of households that subscribe) in South Korea, France, and the United States as 0.93, 0.54,and 0.57 respectively. They report average download speed (Mb/s) in those countries as 50, 18, and 5 respectively. They further report lowest monthly price per megabit per second (U.S. dollars) as 0.37, 0.33, and 2.83 respectively. (Note that these figures come from European studies. The United States doesn’t even have its own method for measuring broadband usage.)

My comment: Note that a US broadband subscriber has a 10th of the download speed as a S. Korean subscriber, but pays almost 8 times as much as the S. Korean subscriber. The IEEE goes on to note “The market is advancing U.S. broadband deployment, but at a pace limited by each individual provider’s perceived return on investment.”

White House Press Releases

When checking a link to a White House press release last October, I was surprised to find that the page link at whitehouse.gov defaults to the main page. A search for some of the names contained in the news release produced results after, not before, the recent Obama inauguration. A click on the Press Release button at whitehouse.gov took me to a section of all the press releases since Jan. 22, 2009. History has been erased! For those of you who wished that the Bush years had never happened, your wish has come true.

There must be an archive somewhere. Perhaps Dick Cheney has it.

CEO Pay

The Law of Unintended Consequences is older than Murphy’s Law. The struggle to limit the severance and other pay of CEOs at publicly held companies is an example of this law at work.

In the early eighties, the U.S. economy experienced two recessions, one of them deep, which led to a large number of company mergers and takeovers. Several high profile executive severance packages prompted Congress to enact a change in the tax code, known as a “golden parachute”, that subjected excess payouts to additonal taxes. Executives who received more than three times their annual salary in severance were subject to a 20% tax on that excess income. Before the enactment of this law, most companies paid their executives one year’s salary as severance. After the law passed, companies began to use the “3 times rule” as a benchmark. A study of CEO severance pay in the mid-nineties found that the median payout was two times annual salary. This increase in severance pay was hardly what Congress intended.

In 1993, President Clinton led a populist campaign to limit executive salaries by limiting the deductibility of salaries greater than $1M. Executives at the companies responded by designing pay packages that included stock options. The total CEO pay package grew from 100 times the average worker’s salary in 1993 to 300 times the average worker’s salary in 2000. By 2007, total CEO pay was 344 times that of the average U.S. worker.

I have been involved in several shareholder campaigns to have a greater say in executive compensation. As stock dividend returns decreased and executive pay increased in the past decade or more, the amount paid to executives seemed to come directly out of the dividends paid to shareholders. Some companies have allowed non-binding shareholder resolutions on executive pay but it has been my experience that management traditionally offers little more than a polite acknowledgment to these types of resolutions.

However, Congress would do well to pay attention to history and not make any law or rule that directly limits executive pay. Corporate law is a state issue and I don’t think that Congress could enact any changes in corporate law that would allow shareholders to have a binding vote on executive pay. Perhaps the first move Congress could make is to change the relationship between the federal government and states on corporate law. Large publicly held corporations typically incorporate in whatever state affords them the greatest operating flexibility. Unfortunately, this flexibility allows management to disregard the wishes of a majority of the owners, the shareholders.

Foreclosure Details

Lydia brought up some good questions about my Foreclosures blog:
What do we do (under any of the plans including yours) with second mortgages and home equity lines?

The other problem, of course, is that all of these loans have been sliced, diced and tranched to the point that it is difficult to know who actually has what.

Then, of course, there are the Alt-A’s that will be resetting shortly.

And — who will pay for the appraisals and other evaluations your proposal requires?

And finally, while your plan seems very logical and workable, the government must change the mark to market rules for the lenders.

I replied:

Under this program, second mortgage and HomeEq lines would not qualify. There is too much potential for abuse here. On a house previously valued at $400K, a homeowner could have taken out a $100K second mortgage to start a business. Business has slowed down and it would help the business’ cash flow if the homeowner could simply call it a $100K income gain and pay the taxes on it for five years. Or a homeowner could have taken a $40K loan and built a nice swimming pool in the back yard. Now they are having problems making payments on the $40K. Not everyone can be helped. Some people made poor decisions.

The problem with writing down principal is that it is a violation of the existing contracts that the lenders have with the bondholders, many of whom are from other countries. It would require the consent of the bondholders to change the contracts so that the lender could write off part of the principal. It’s a big problem.

The slicing and dicing means that there may be many several contracts involved in the write down on one house. When the idea was first proposed in the nineties, the computer would make it possible to keep track of the slices and dices. But, in practice, is it possible?

There is a lively debate on “mark to market”. It is not the gov that does “mark to market”. It’s GAAP accounting rules. Some suggest a model of “future revenue stream”, pricing in a percentage of impairment or default. For a simple example, if you have an MBS of $1000, with a 10 year life, and the anticipated revenue stream is $17 a month for 120 months, why not price in an impairment or default of 20%, for example, and mark the MBS at $800? As it is now, some of these are being priced as low as $200, if there is much of a market for it at all. After Enron, changes to the “mark to market” rule are viewed skeptically by economists/accountants. Asset pricing has to have some basis other than the figment of someone’s imagination. However, it is difficult for some of these long term complex products where there is no market.

As to who pays for the eval, that’s a good debate. Most homeowners who are defaulting don’t have the money so as a matter of practicality, either the lender or the gov needs to pick up the tab. It is too onerous for the gov to pay promptly for these evals, so it would probably be best if the lender picked up the initial cost for the eval, then submitted a voucher to the gov. That puts a cash flow hurt on the lender, but I think they would prefer that to the limbo many of them are in now. They can at least show that as a good accounts receivable. The cost of the eval would then be included in the homeowner’s “gain” that they would pay taxes on.

Almost every plan I have read has some fault, some legal or moral hazard stumbling block.

Santelli and the Bailout

I have now seen several instances of a video clip of Rick Santelli, a CNBC reporter at the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, ranting about the government bailing out homeowners. A short video clip has no context – the various media channels of all perceived political persuasions prefer short, sharp images without context because it arouses our attention and emotions. Context engages our reason and diminishes the emotional impact. Context takes time, time in which you might get bored and change the radio or TV channel.

So here, as the veteran broadcaster Paul Harvey (he just died this past week) used to say, is the “rest of the story”.

This was part of several exchanges I saw that morning about the entire scope of the bailout. Santelli has not been an advocate for any bailout, either Wall St. or Main St. As he said that morning, homeowners were taking a risk just as much as a person buying stock takes a risk.

What kind of moral hazard do we create when we reward people who took a risk and lost? Santelli asked (and this is a paraphrase – I don’t have the transcript) “Many of us have seen our 401K become a 201K. Why don’t we get a bailout?” He continued to ask the key question, “Why aren’t we helping the people who will contribute to the future GDP of this country? The doctors who graduate with a hundred thousand or more in loans? The engineers and scientists?” Then Santelli turned back to the traders on the Chicago floor and said “Wouldn’t you guys like some help with your student loans? How many people have loans?” Most of them nodded.

According to this news release in May 2008, “the average debt for medical school graduates is approximately $140,000, according to the American Medical Association (AMA)”. The debt load makes it financially difficult for a doctor to go into general practice. In 2005, the AMA listed 885,000 doctors. Of those, only 9.3% were degreed in Family Practice or Preventive Medicine. Only 8% were in General Pediatrics. 17% were licensed in Internal Medicine, in which a physician provides both general care and specializes in one of several fields like Gastroenterology.

Our compassion is stirred when we see a family with children about to lose their home. The TV images are all too frequent. We want to lend a hand because there is real need there. Little do we see the struggles of some of our best and brightest who will be able to lend a hand to us in the future, if we will only help them.

Trade-off

Life is a trade-off. A companion rule is the “Law of Unintended Consequences”.

According to an article in WSJ in Dec. 2008: “Over the past 30 years, improved automobile and motorcycle safety has affected the supply of healthy donated kidneys by reducing fatalities. Instead, more donated organs come from older donors who died of diseases. Such kidneys are more likely to fail or be rejected.”

The U.S. is in the process of implementing a number of policies that will affect all of us. Here’s an exercise: Pick a proposed policy you agree with and try to imagine the unintended consequences of enacting that policy. Then, do the same with a policy you don’t agree with.

In future blogs, I will look at some policies of the last few decades and their unintended consequences.

Great Upheaval

In his book The Great Upheaval, Jay Winik recounts the details of the constitutional convention in 1787. The delegates debated the creation and role of a federal government, concerned that such a strong central power would overwhelm the states. To this day, we continue that debate.

Unable to resolve their differences in open debate, the delegates met behind closed doors and away from any press scrutiny to hammer out the details of what would become the Constitution of the U.S.

Foreclosures

This was something I wrote back in Sept 2008 and sent to my Senator. I’m sure it was one of many, many suggestions. Almost six months later, I still think this is the best solution. It involves a principal write-down in which the taxpayer absorbs 15% – 25%, on average, of the principal reduction. The lender effectively absorbs 60% of the cost. The U.S. taxpayer absorbs the rest. Everyone who played a part in this fiasco, the buyers of the mortgages, the lenders and the lawmakers, pays some price.

For those facing foreclosure who can show that the house is their main residence:
1) If their household income is more than twice the average income in that area, they do not qualify for this program.
2) If the purchase price of the house is more than 50% above the median house price in that area for the past 4 quarters, they do not qualify for this program.
3) They can show that their mortgage payment as a percentage of income is more than the lending criteria. See CRITERIA below. In addition,
4) Their home will be evaluated using current comparative sales in their particular community (EVALUATION).
5) Based on that EVALUATION, a monthly mortage payment (PITI) will be determined for a conventional 30 year fixed loan using a competitive interest rate and including a) any real estate taxes based on that evaluation, and b) an amortized insurance premium equal to 1% of the evaluation and payable to the mortgage holder, and c) an amortized administrative fee equal to 1% of the evaluation paid to a special housing fund to be set up and administered by the US treasury to cover costs associated with the program.
6) The homeowners must be able to meet a more traditional mortgage lending criteria (CRITERIA), either a or b:
a) They can document monthly net income that is 3 times the PITI; or
b) They can document monthly gross income that is 4 times the PITI.
7) (This will be controversial). Anyone taking advantage of this program must pay Federal income tax on the difference (WRITE-DOWN) between the EVALUATION price negotiated and the purchase price less homeowner equity. This tax will be spread out over a consecutive 5 year period. The first 20% of declared income will be declared in the tax year after the closing of the 30 year fixed mortgage contract.
8) The lender can deduct the entire WRITE-DOWN amount in the year in which the contract is altered under this program. The Federal tax savings for the lender would be about 35%. State tax savings would vary.

Income Taxes

Matt Miller, author of “The Tyranny of Dead Ideas”, in an op-ed in WSJ on 1/12/09 spoke with several former Congressional Budget Office (CBO) directors.

“If you do nothing on the spending side, you’re going to raise taxes whether you’re a Republican, a Democrat, or a Martian,” said Douglas Holtz-Eakin, the Republican-appointed director of the CBO from 2003-05.

Miller noted that Federal revenue today is 18.8% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and federal spending (excluding Fannie, Freddie and TARP bailouts) is 20% of GDP.

Holtz-Eakin notes that “pressures” (probably economic and social) could push spending and taxes to 23-24% of GDP, as much as 27% if health costs remain out of control. GDP is around $14T.

Dan Crippen is another CBO chief and adviser to McCain who predicts taxes of 22% of GDP by 2020, 24-25% by 2030. David Walker is another Republican (turned independent) who was comptroller general of the US from 1998 – 2008. Walker estimates taxes growing to 20-25% in the next 20 years, depending on how “radical” we get about cutting spending.

Matt Miller asked Holtz-Eakin why Republicans continue to tout tax cutting despite knowing that taxes have to go up. “It’s the brand,” Holtz-Eakin said, “and you don’t dilute the brand.”