Prices and Values

July 23, 2023

by Stephen Stofka

This week’s letter is about prices and two dynamic values, a use value and an exchange value. These two values can help us compare assets if not goods. I’ll review a short history of thinking on price and value. How does the passage of time affect different types of assets? Lastly, how sensitive are some assets to investor temperament?

The insights of prominent thinkers in the past can inform our perspective. Richard Cantillon (1680-1734) was a financier whose keen understanding of human exuberance enabled him to make a fortune in the stock market bubbles of the South Sea and Mississippi System. He argued that there was an intrinsic value to a commodity that was the sum of the inputs, land and labor (capital was included in land). The ratio of supply and demand as well as “humors and fancies” explained the variance between market price and intrinsic price. In a well-organized society, the market price and the intrinsic price tracked each other closely.

Writing a few decades later, Adam Smith would refine the classification of prices further. A market price included the rent of the land, the worker’s wages and a capitalists’ profit. A natural price was the average of market prices and a price that a customer expected to pay when going to market. Finally, there was an exchange price, a measure of purchasing power. Writers of that time distinguished between commodities, or subsistence goods, and goods of an artisanal nature, affordable only to those in the middle and upper classes.

In Book 1, Chapter 4, Smith distinguished the two meanings of the word value. The first was a value in use, the “utility of some particular object,” whose value is consumed. Utility depends on the person, their circumstances and preferences and cannot be measured. The second is a value in exchange, the “power of purchasing other goods.” Commodities like a pound of corn have both a use value and an exchange value but Smith made it clear that the use value of a commodity does not anchor its exchange value. He noted that many goods which have a high use value like water have a low exchange value, and those with a high exchange value like diamonds have little or no use value. Smith spent the following three chapters exploring the connection between exchange value and price.

As he compared standards of living in different ages and countries, from neighboring France to the American colonies, Smith was looking for a yardstick, a standard of measure. Economic institutions today compile extensive price and income indexes to compare prices across time and countries. Smith had limited manpower – himself. He chose a laborer’s toil as “the only standard by which we can compare the values of different commodities at all times, and at all places.” He was careful to note several caveats. It was “difficult to ascertain the proportion between two different quantities of labor” and the “real price of labor is very different upon different occasions” and in more advanced societies. Regardless of prices or the value of gold and silver in England and the American colonies, he could compare the purchasing power of laborers in each country doing similar work.  

Smith’s grand thesis was that greater specialization of labor increased productivity and fostered economic progress. Within this framework, people would more frequently exchange their labor rather than consume the goods their labor produced. For Smith, labor was an “exchangeable value,” not some value inherent in a commodity. He used it to construct a measure of purchasing power. Almost a century later, Karl Marx would distort this yardstick of purchasing power into a qualitative claim that the labor input to a commodity was the intrinsic value of the commodity. Anything above that value was an exploitation of workers by capitalists, according to Marx.

Let’s extend this analysis to asset, which I will divide into two types: those that derive an exchange value based on ongoing operations and those that don’t. Ongoing operations can be likened to a use value because something is consumed in that operation, a depreciation. There is an explicit or imputed flow of income whose discounted value influences the market value of stocks and bonds. Time-sensitive financial instruments like stock options act like insurance and are very much anchored by ongoing activity and the expectations formed from those operations. The market value of real estate may rely on scarcity, like a collectible, but the scarcity aspect contributes to expectations of future income that the real estate can earn. Therefore, its market value is also anchored by operations.

Collectibles are an asset without any ongoing operation. They derive their market value from their scarcity or uniqueness. A painting may bring pleasure in the viewing but the enjoyment of that pleasure does not consume the painting. Time, yellowing and dust may introduce a depreciation expense but time usually increases the market value of the painting.  Money can be a collectible but only if it is rare. Digital currencies behave very much like collectibles but there is nothing to hang on a museum wall. For traders, the chief attraction of crypto is the possibility of future trading gains. Unlike stocks, crypto does not represent ownership in operating profits. Unlike bonds, crypto is not a purchase of someone’s debt. Unlike real estate, crypto does not generate any cash flows from its use value.

Some assets with little ongoing use value have volatile valuations because their chief use value is the hope of future trading profits to the holders of the asset. Their use and trading values can collapse suddenly as though they were a time-sensitive financial asset. Being alert to that imminent collapse helped Richard Cantillon make a fortune. Investors in such assets must remain nimble.

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Photo by Sean Stratton on Unsplash

Bank Money and Hard Money

June 11, 2023

by Stephen Stofka

This week’s post is about money and Adam Smith (2009), the author of the Wealth of Nations, a book that authors sometimes refer to by its acronym – WON. In 2026, it will be the 250 year anniversary of the publication of that work and Smith remains the most cited author in economics literature, according to Avner Offer and Gabriel Söderberg (2019), authors of The Nobel Factor. Smith lived in an age of a metallic or hard currency standard, but one with an active trade in paper or “bank” money. In Part 1, Chapter 4 of WON he attributed the debasement of hard currencies to the “avarice and injustice of princes and sovereign states.” We will see why he thought so.

Smith noted the chief flaw of hard currencies, particularly in an era of increasing industry. The supply of those metals depends on the success of mining operations and the fortunes of ships carrying the metals across the seas. There is either not enough hard currency to support the number of transactions in a country of increasing industry, or there is too much of the metal currency during economic downturns. Paper or bank money acted as a substitute for hard currency. In Part 2, Chapter 2, Smith notes that the exchange of bank money was mostly between wholesalers, not between dealers and consumers. In an age when the revenue of a country depended largely on excise taxes on particular goods and property taxes on landowners, the flow of taxes was mostly between the wealthy and the state.

Like most substitute goods the value of bank money rose when there was a shortage of hard currency, falling again when there was an adequate supply of gold or silver coin. A prince or state stabilized the value of paper money by allowing or stipulating the payment of taxes in paper money. Smith admired the resilience of the working class, a sentiment not shared by others in the higher social classes. When the American colonies drafted their Constitution, only those of means were allowed to vote because they were the primary source of direct government funding. The founders paid little recognition to those on the lower rungs of the socioeconomic ladder who paid few taxes directly to a government.

The working class paid taxes in three indirect forms: 1) higher prices on goods, 2) lower compensation for their labor, and 3) inflation. In an open letter written about 1780, American founder Benjamin Franklin remarked (https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-34-02-0156) that the printing of vast quantities of paper money to fund the American war against Great Britain had caused an explosive hyperinflation. In less than five years, 60 dollars of American paper currency had become equivalent to one dollar in gold. As Smith noted, a country abandons a hard currency standard as soon as it goes to war so that it can fund the war without increasing taxes.   

The developed countries of the world have realized Smith’s vision. Diverse economies with a lot of specialization promote growth. Less developed countries share a common characteristic – the economy is very reliant on agriculture. The growth of the retail trade in developed countries necessitates the increasing use of bank money. Hard currency is neither reliable nor convenient. Smith might attribute the persistent inflation of bank money not to an oversupply of paper money but to a shortage of hard currency. In growing economies, that shortage promotes deflation, benefitting those who have at the expense of those who have not. That is the injustice of hard money.

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Photo by Zlaťáky.cz on Unsplash

Keywords: Adam Smith ,gold coin, silver coin, hard currency, bank money

Malthus, T. R. (1989). An essay on the principle of population. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr.

Offer, A., & Söderberg, G. (2019). The nobel factor: The prize in economics, social democracy, and the market turn. Princeton University Press.

Smith, A. (2009). Wealth of Nations. New York: Classic House Books.

The Nature of Money

March 31, 2019

by Steve Stofka

Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) helps us understand the funding flows between a sovereign government and a nation’s economy. I’ve included some resources in the notes below (Note #1). This analysis focuses on the private sector to help readers put the federal debt in perspective. In short, some annual deficits are to be expected as the cost of running a nation.

What is money? It is a collection of  government IOUs that represent the exchange of real assets, either now or in the past. Wealth is either real assets or the accumulation of IOUs, i.e. the past exchanges of real assets. When a sovereign government – I’ll call it SovGov, the ‘o’ pronounced like the ‘o’ in love – borrows from the private sector, it entices the holders of IOUs to give up their wealth in exchange for an annuity, i.e. a portion of their wealth returned to them with a small amount of interest. A loan is the temporal transfer of real assets from the past to the present and future. This is one way that SovGovs reabsorb IOUs out of the private economy. In effect, they distribute the historical exchange of real assets into the present.

What is a government purchase? When a SovGov buys a widget from the ABC company, it also borrows wealth, a real asset that was produced in the past, even if that good was produced only yesterday. The SovGov never pays back the loan. It issues money, an IOU, to the ABC company who then uses that IOU to pay employees and buy other goods. A SovGov pays back its IOUs with more IOUs. That is an important point. In capitalist economies, a SovGov exchanges real goods for an IOU only when the government acts like a private party, i.e. an entrance fee to a national park. Real goods are produced by the private economy and loaned to the SovGov.

What is inflation? When an economy does not produce enough real goods to match the money it loans to the SovGov, inflation results. Imagine an economy that builds ten chairs, a representation of real goods. If a SovGov pays for ten people to sit in those ten chairs, the economy stays in equilibrium. When a SovGov pays for eleven people to sit in those ten chairs, and the economy does not have enough unemployed carpenters or wood to build an eleventh chair, then a game of musical chairs begins. In the competition for chairs, the IOUs that the private economy holds lose value. Inflation is a game of musical chairs, i.e. too much money competing for too few real resources.

A key component of MMT framework is a Job Guarantee program, ensuring that there are not eleven people competing for ten jobs (Note #2). Labor is a real resource. When the private economy cannot provide full employment, the SovGov offers a job to anyone wanting one. By fully utilizing labor capacity, the SovGov keeps inflation in check. The  idea that the government should fill any employment slack was developed and promoted by economist John Maynard Keynes in his 1936 book The General Theory of Employment, Money and Interest.

The first way a SovGov vacuums up past IOUs is by borrowing, i.e. issuing new IOUs. I discussed this earlier. A SovGov also reduces the number of IOUs outstanding through taxation, by which the private sector returns most of those IOUs to the SovGov.

Let’s compare these two methods of reducing IOUs. In Chapter 3 of The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith wrote that government borrowing “destroys more old capital … and hinders less the accumulation or acquisition of new capital” (Note #3). Borrowing draws from the pool of past IOUs; taxation draws more from the current year’s stock of IOUs. Further, Smith noted that there is a social welfare component to government borrowing. By drawing from stocks of old capital it allows current producers to repair the inequalities and waste that allowed those holders of old capital to accumulate wealth. He wrote, “Under the system of funding [government borrowing], the frugality and industry of private people can more easily repair the breaches which the waste and extravagance of government may occasionally make in the general capital of the society.”

Borrowing draws IOUs from past production, while taxation vacuums up IOUs from current production. Since World War 2, the private sector has returned almost $96 in taxes for every $100 of federal IOUs. Since January 1947, the private sector has loaned the federal government $371 trillion dollars of real goods, the total of federal expenditures (Note #4). What does the federal government still owe out of that $371 trillion? $15.5 trillion, or 4.17% (Note #5). If the private sector were indeed a commercial bank, it would expect operating expenses of 3%, or $11.1 trillion (Note #6). What real assets does the private sector have for the difference of $4.4 trillion in the past 70 years? A national highway system and the best equipped military in the world are just two prominent assets.

The federal government spends about 17-20% of GDP, far lower than the average of OECD countries (Note #7). That is important because the accumulated Federal debt of $15.5 trillion is only .9% of the $1.7 quadrillion of GDP produced by the private sector since January 1947. Our grandchildren have not inherited a crushing debt, as some have called it. In the next forty years, the U.S. economy will produce about $2 quadrillion of GDP (Note #8). If tomorrow’s generations are as frugal as past generations, they will generate another $18 trillion of debt.

Adam Smith called a nation’s debt “unemployed capital,” a more apt term. The obligation of a productive nation is to put unemployed capital to work for the community. Under the current international system of national accounting, there is no way to account for the accumulated net value of real assets, or the communal operating expenses of the private economy. Without a proper accounting of those items, we engage in noisy arguments about the size of the debt.

In next week’s blog, I’ll examine the inflation pressures of government debt. I’ll review the Federal Reserve’s QE programs and why it has struggled to hit its target inflation rate of 2%. We’ll revisit a proposal by John Maynard Keynes that was discarded by later economists.

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Notes:
1. A video presentation of SovGov funding by Stephanie Kelton . For more in depth reading,  I suggest Modern Monetary Theory by L. Randall Wray, and Macroeconomics by William Mitchell, L. Randall Wray and Martin Watts.

2. L. Randall Wray wrote a short 7 page paper on the Job Guarantee program . A more comprehensive 56-page proposal can be found here 

3. Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations was published in 1776, the year that the U.S. declared independence from Britain. Smith invented the field of economics. The book runs 900 pages and is available on Kindle for $.99

4. Federal Expenditures FGEXPND series at FRED.

5. At the end of 1946, the Gross Federal Debt held by the public was $242 billion (FYGFDPUB series at FRED). Today, that debt total is $15,750 billion, or almost $16 trillion dollars. The difference is $15.5 trillion. The debt held by the public does not include debt that the Federal government owes itself for the Social Security and Medicare “funds.” Under these PayGo pension systems, those funds are nothing more than internal accounting entries.

6. In 2017, the Federal Reserve estimated interest and non-interest expenses for all commercial banks at 3% (Table 2, Column 3).

7. Germany’s government, the leading country in the European Union, spends 44% of its GDP Source

8. Assuming GDP growth averages 2.5% during the next forty years.

9. International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) sets standards for public sector accounting.

 

Father of Modern Economics

In his seminal work The Wealth of Nations (full text), Adam Smith refers to a man by his last name only, “Cantillon”. Smith was stingy in acknowledging the ideas of others so the reference to another author is striking. It is ironic that, in this instance, Smith argued with an idea that he mistakenly attributed to Cantillon. Had Smith paid closer attention to Cantillon’s text, he would have understood that Cantillon was refuting an earlier proposal by a William Perry.

So who was this rather obscure author? He was Richard Cantillon, a multimillionare who died a decade after Smith was born and who was arguably the first modern economist. Contrary to the stereotype of the drab economist, Cantillon enjoyed a colorful life and is the only prominent economist to have been murdered. In his posthumously published book of 1755, Essay on the Nature of Trade in General (full text) Cantillon begins with “The Land is the Source or Matter from whence all Wealth is produced. The Labour of man is the Form which produces it: and Wealth in itself is nothing but the Maintenance, Conveniencies, and Superfluities of Life.”

It is not often that one finds a book on economics that is short, understandable by the general reader and contains no cryptic formulas.