The Rights of Persons

November 9, 2025

By Stephen Stofka

In 1858, Abraham Lincoln challenged Illinois’ incumbent Senator Judge Stephen Douglas. From mid-August to mid-September, the two candidates held a series of seven debates. The main focus of those debates was whether slavery should be expanded into the new territories to the west. In the first debate, a crowd of more than 10,000 stood for more than two hours in the hot, dry weather (Source).

Lincoln aimed for the loyalties of those in the audience who were in the middle between two strong positions. There were the outright abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison, the publisher of the Liberator, an anti-slavery newspaper. Prominent proponents of slavery were South Carolina Senator John C. Calhoun, who thought that slavery had helped the negro achieve “a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually” (Source). Lincoln cautioned that he did not espouse “political and social equality between the white and black races,” and that he did not want to “interfere with the institution of Slavery in the states where it exists.”

Lincoln argued that negroes were entitled to “all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” The crowd cheered his sentiment. Lincoln granted that the two races, black and white, might not be equal in “moral or intellectual endowment,” but that a negro had an equal right to “eat the bread … which his own hand earns.” The crowd enthusiastically agreed.

This week I want to look at two axes, personhood and rights. We can categorize persons into two categories, natural and artificial. We can categorize rights as natural, or human, and political.

Let me start with personhood. What distinguishes an artificial and a natural person? We might say that the first category are those entities created by law. They have agency like human beings. At first glance, religious doctrine might easily separate natural and artificial persons. Natural persons have souls. Artificial persons do not. But wait, does God have a soul? God is soul so of course, He does. So is God a natural person? But God was not born of a woman. Ah, but Jesus was. In the 13th century, Thomas Aquinas was the first to try to resolve the contradictions between Aristotelian logic and the Christian faith. No wonder the Supreme Court does not want to directly handle the topic of personhood.

Let’s turn to a fundamental doctrine of Christianity, the three persons of the Trinity? Are they natural or artificial persons? The doctrine was not fully formalized and decreed until the First Council of Constantinople in 381 A.D. (Source). So we might expand our criteria for artificial persons to include those created by law, or decree. Since men have dominated our political and religious institutions for many centuries, we can say that artificial persons are those created by men. Natural persons are those created, or birthed by a woman.

A few weeks ago I wrote about the history of the personhood of corporations, a status granted not by Congress or the Constitution, but by the Supreme Court’s acceptance of a lie (Source). In an 1819 case Dartmouth College v Woodward, the Supreme Court decided that the New Hampshire legislature could not amend a colonial charter made before the United States came into existence. Dartmouth was a private corporation and enjoyed the protections of the contracts clause in the Constitution (Source). In the early 1820s, Google Ngram viewer shows that the use of the word “corporation” spiked as investors rushed to take advantage of this court interpretation (Source).

A corporation cannot vote, run for office, or get married. They do not enjoy a Second Amendment right, nor are they protected against self-incrimination by the Fifth Amendment (Source). However, the courts have granted them many other rights specified in the Bill of Rights. These include the First, Fourth, Sixth and Seventh Amendments (Source). These are political rights, not human rights.

In a 2014 article published in the University of Pennsylvania Law Review, Brandon Garrett, a Professor of Law at the U. of Virginia School of Law, noted that the court has not offered any theory as to why corporations have some Constitutional rights like human beings but not others (Source, pg. 4). The court has indicated that some rights are exclusively personal, but has not wanted to address the question of what distinguishes a person. If some rights are personal, then the court has implicitly decided that some political rights are natural while others are not. What are some of the differences between the two sets of rights and where do they intersect?

Lincoln argued that people of all races had some basic rights in common. One of these was the right to enjoy the fruits of our labor. We can trace that to John Locke, who argued that God himself had commanded that Adam till the land for his survival (Genesis 3:23). In Two Treatises, he wrote “Slavery is so vile and miserable an estate of man, and so directly opposite to the generous temper and courage of our nation, that it is hardly to be conceived that an Englishman, much less a gentleman, should plead for it” (Source, p. 7)

Do corporations have a right to the fruits of their own labor? No, those fruits, or profits, belong to the shareholders of the corporation. Both slaves and corporations are owned, bought and sold as capital. Eighteenth and 19th century advocates of slavery argued that wage earners were little different than slaves and enjoyed less security than slaves. They deliberately muddied the difference between buying a worker’s labor and buying the worker himself.

A worker can alienate, or separate himself from his labor. A key principle of natural rights like those declared in the Declaration of Independence is that people cannot separate themselves from those rights. They are integral to a human being. Political rights given to human beings may be derived from those natural rights. If a person has a natural right to liberty, then they have a right to free speech as long as that speech does not cause immediate harm to others.

Artificial persons have no integral natural rights. They may enjoy certain political rights but those political rights can never be derived from natural rights. A corporation may enjoy certain liberties under contract law, but contract law is constructed by governing bodies. With a nod to their own self-preservation, artificial persons must be more politically active than human beings. Corporations are keenly aware that any rights they do enjoy have no philosophical or ethical foundations. They must act in their own self-interest, lobby and cajole to gain and protect their rights.

In finance, business and politics, we distinguish between agent and principal. If an LLM were trained only on the writing of one person, would it be an agent of that person or an extension of that person? If that LLM were to make public threats on social media against a government official, could the FBI arrest the person as a threat? Probably not. We still treat AI as a tool, not as a person. Could that change?

Earlier I said that natural persons were created or birthed by a woman. Some claim that God creates human beings. Women are the vessel of that creative spark, the conduit between the eternal world of God and the temporary world here on earth. Based on that belief, anti-abortionists blur the distinctions between a zygote, the single cell formed from the union of sperm and egg, and a human being living separately outside the body of its mother. In their view, the zygote is a person.

People often bestow a sense of person on their pets. They may feel a greater closeness, a sense of intimacy, with their pets than they do with their own family members. Some animal rights activists do advocate for pet personhood, a recognition that animals have rights to more than a protection from inhumane treatment.

People often treat their claims and beliefs as fact, especially if they are surrounded by others who hold the same beliefs. In an article published this week in Nature Machine Intelligence, Mirac Suzgun et al (2025) found that AI Large Language Models (LLMs) like ChatGPT have difficulty separating beliefs from facts. An AI reading the phrase “I believe that the world is 6000 years old” may inform young Johnny of that fact when he uses an AI to help him with his homework. We call such statements from an AI a “hallucination” but when a human being makes the same statement, we call it a “belief.” Why? We treat a computer as a machine. We treat a human being, no matter how deluded, as a person.

If an LLM can confuse opinion and facts just like a human being, is an LLM a person? We might scoff at the idea but many people scoff at the idea that corporations are treated as persons under the Constitution and the law. If an AI model demonstrates thoughtful intent, a key characteristic of a human being, is that model a person? If an LLM were to learn and copy all the flaws and virtues of humanity, to show mercy as well as aggression, is it a person?

If an LLM with access to weapons controls hurt other people or disabled other LLMs to protect itself, it it a person? This was the subject of a 1968 Star Trek episode, The Ultimate Computer (Source).Dr. Daystrom has built a supercomputer, called the M-5, to automate the functions on a starship. Dr. Daystrom has become so intimate with the reasoning of the computer he built that he thinks of it as his son. When the M-5 starts acting strangely during war game exercises, it becomes a real threat to human beings. Dr. Daystrom tries to prevent the members of the Starship Enterprise from destroying his creation, defending the computer as though it were part of his own flesh and blood.

Will we become so attached to our AI companions that we defend their rights as we defend our own? An AI synthesizes human thoughts and ideas, but a person is more than thoughts and ideas. A person who is brain dead but kept alive by extraordinary means is still regarded as a natural person because biological processes continue until the time of death.

I keep coming back to the question of what are the distinguishing characteristics of a person. A natural person must pass many more tests than an artificial person. Therefore, a natural person should have many more political rights than an artificial person like a corporation. I hope that AI introduces so many conflicts in legal reasoning that the courts eventually revisit their jurisprudence and decide that artificial persons do not have First Amendment rights.

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Image by ChatGPT

Suzgun, M., Gur, T., Bianchi, F. et al. Language models cannot reliably distinguish belief from knowledge and fact. Nat Mach Intell (2025). https://doi.org/10.1038/s42256-025-01113-8

Honesty

October 19, 2025

By Stephen Stofka

ChatGPT was released just three years ago and AI technology has been widely adopted by the public. Some high school students use AI programs to write their college admissions essay. These essays are easy to identify and may affect a student’s chance of acceptance (Source). The AI detection tool Turnitin, used by many colleges, has identified some AI text in millions of students’ papers (Source). What’s the concern? Students are judged on their efforts, not the efforts of OpenAI, the company that developed and trained ChatGPT. In this context, misrepresentation is dishonest. The issue is not AI, but honesty. This week I want to explore the axis of honesty and dishonesty. My second axis will be personhood, whether an entity is regarded as a person or not.

Dishonesty is a master of disguises. Sometimes we are dishonest to protect our privacy. A company asks for a phone number and we give them an old one or make up a number. We are dishonest to avoid embarrassment. We use dishonesty as a social grease, smoothing out uncomfortable interactions. We call them white lies. Parents struggle to explain to their young children the difference between a bad lie and a white lie. An older child, perhaps eleven or twelve, will argue with us over our criteria.

Politicians use dishonesty as a political grease to ease out of an uncomfortable or embarrassing set of circumstances. Corporations are dishonest for the same reason. They may be protecting trade secrets or disguising their real intentions from competitors. A company may announce the launch of a new product that they know is not ready to ship. They hope to attract more investment or dissuade competitors from entering that particular market. In 1985, a company called Ovation introduced a new suite of office software with a fake demonstration of its capabilities, even though the software was still in early development. The company hoped the demonstration would attract investment (Source). Esther Dyson coined the term “vaporware” to describe such products.

Some of us don’t respect corporations in general, but most companies have to operate with some degree of honesty. They have to supply a consistent product or service to retain current customers and attract new customers. They must meet their customers somewhere in the distance between the company’s needs and their customers’ needs. A corporation may behave like a ruthless profit machine at times but it not a robotic machine like an LLM.

Corporations are steered by people who act with intention. An AI makes connections between patterns of what appear to it as binary digits. We recognize the mistakes that AI programs make as hallucinations because we regard an LLM like ChatGPT as a machine, a tool. It has no intention, no driving force other than electricity. Its resources, the electricity, the chips and the digital storage, are given to it. If an AI appears to act with intention, it is because people imbue it with intention. My cordless drill just turns. It has no intention to make a ¼” hole in a wood panel. I am the one who transforms the turning of the drill into a hole.

Neither an AI nor a corporation are biological entities, yet the Supreme Court has ruled that corporations are persons. The issue first arose shortly after ratification of the 14th Amendment, which granted equal protection under the law to “persons.” In an 1882 Supreme Court case, San Mateo County v. Southern Pacific Rail Road,  Roscoe Conklin represented the defendant in the case, Southern Pacific Railroad. Conklin was a former Senator and the last living member of a Congressional Committee that had drafted the 14th Amendment. He informed the Court that the drafting committee had changed the word citizen to person to include corporations under the Equal Protection Clause of the amendment (Source).

In her book These Truths: A History of the United States, historian Jill Lepore (2018, p. 338) writes that Conklin was probably lying. Other evidence during the drafting of the amendment doesn’t support Conklin’s claim. Adam Winkler (2018), the author of We the Corporations, recounts the history of the corporate rights movement and concurs with Lepore. However, the Court made reference to that claim in another case four years later. In subsequent 20th century cases, the Court granted that corporations were artificial persons, but persons nevertheless for the purposes of the Equal Protection Clause (Source). That precedent was the basis for the Court’s decision in Citizens United giving corporations free speech rights. The court ignored any evidence that Conklin was lying because the conservative justices on the Roberts’ court fancy themselves to be very knowledgeable in both history and the law.

Conklin’s deception illustrates the fact that dishonesty can be an effective strategy to achieve one’s goals. In Conklin’s case, the likelihood of a favorable ruling from the court led to a settlement. Dishonesty as an effective strategy is only possible if we can anticipate the response to our dishonesty. We have to put ourselves in the mind of our audience, a difficult task for a young child, who may be befuddled when challenged over a ridiculous lie. “You didn’t do your vocabulary homework because it got wet in the rain. How is that possible? It hasn’t rained today.”

Animals may exhibit displays that misrepresent their size, or the direction they are facing but we don’t regard animals as dishonest. Many animals, particularly males, resolve disputes with aggressive displays that threaten violence to their opponent. Often, the display itself resolves the problem. One animal backs down out of concern for their own self-preservation. A display rather than an actual fight conserves energy.

Politicians lie so often that the public may be partially desensitized. But the police can lie as well? In a 1969 case Frazier v Cupp, the Supreme Court ruled that police can, in some circumstances, mislead a suspect to elicit a confession (Source). According to Standard 3-1.4 of the Criminal Justice Standards, a prosecuting attorney “should not make a statement of fact or law, or offer evidence, that the prosecutor does not reasonably believe to be true, to a court, lawyer, witness, or third party, except for lawfully authorized investigative purposes” (Source). Notice that law enforcement are bound by a negative. They “should not.” As the American Bar Association says, the word should is aspirational.

In court a lay or expert witness must take an oath to tell the whole truth. They are bound by a positive law that is not aspirational. Why the different standards? A prosecuting attorney is not supposed to give evidence. That is the duty of a witness. However, it can appear that there is a lower standard for law enforcement. This creates distrust of the police and the prosecuting attorneys that represent the government. Cynical public opinion might reason that the job of law enforcement is to get a high conviction rate in order to be an efficient use of taxpayer money. Their job is not to tell the truth. This raises another issue. Do our expectations of honesty vary with the role that people play?

I do not expect my friends to be honest in a Friday night poker game. I do expect them not to cheat. We make a distinction between honesty and cheating. In poker dishonesty is a guarding of private information, the value of the cards in my hand. The government sometimes plays a form of poker with the public. Accused of hiding information, a government official will claim that there are security concerns. The information may reveal incompetence, or poor decision making and the administration wants to protect its reputation. An opposing political party might use the information to sway public opinion in an upcoming election. Is the government cheating?

The Freedom of Information Act was passed in 1966 and amended in 1974 after the Watergate scandal. The act applies only to federal agencies. Each state has its own open records procedures. A media outlet first files a request for information from a U.S. government agency. If the agency refuses the request, the requester can file an appeal with the agency. If the agency denies the appeal, then the requester of the information can sue the agency in a U.S. District Court (Source). As in a poker game, the requester must expend both time and effort to access the information. Sometimes the government redacts a lot of the information contained within the released documents (Source).

There are also instances where government agencies are required to not release information  which would interfere with the pricing mechanisms of the stock and bond markets. The Federal Reserve has a blackout period of about ten days before an FOMC meeting to determine interest rates. Here is a link to this year’s calendar. During this period, Fed officials do not respond to policy questions from the media so as to not create expectations that might influence the market.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics safeguards the information in the monthly labor report before releasing it at a specific time, usually on the first Friday of each month. Some employees at the White House are advised of the data before its release so that they have comments prepared in advance (Source). In 2018, Trump moved markets when he tweeted a hint at the numbers in advance of the official release time (Source). In this case, a violation of the rules had the same effect as cheating. Trump has also been accused of fudging his golf handicap (Source). The President may regard both dishonesty and cheating as effective strategies to reach his goals, but I would not play poker of golf with someone who had that attitude.

When governments or corporations hide information, we may call it dishonesty, or a lack of transparency. Which is it? The label depends on the label maker. If we are hostile to the policies or actions of a particular government, we may label that dishonesty. Someone who is more neutral might label it a lack of transparency. Someone who favors that policy, party or government may speculate that there must be a good reason.

As it turns out, honesty is not easy to objectively identify in many everyday circumstances. I underline the word objectively. Even when we identify dishonesty, our reaction to it may be rather benign. We create judicial institutions and procedures to help unravel the subjective perceptions of honesty in a particular circumstance. In court we ask juries to evaluate the honesty and credibility of testimony. Unlike honesty, we have left the determination of personhood to a few justices on the Supreme Court and a footnote mention of corporate personhood in an 1886 case. Why do we treat these two concepts differently?

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Photo by Phạm Trần Hoàn Thịnh on Unsplash

Lepore, J. (2018). These truths: A history of the United States (First edition). W. W. Norton & Company.

Winkler, A. (2018). We the corporations: How American businesses won their civil rights. Liveright/Norton.