A red brick and pale rose stucco wall in a basement. In the upper portion of the wall, the brick is exposed

The Walls Within Us

September 14, 2025

By Stephen Stofka

Sunday morning and another breakfast with the boys. This week Abel and Cain discuss political divisions. The conversations are voiced by Abel, a Wilsonian with a faith that government can ameliorate social and economic injustices to improve society’s welfare, and Cain, who believes that individual autonomy, the free market and the price system promote the greatest good.

Abel tucked some butter between his pancakes. “I usually turned off Charlie Kirk a few minutes after listening to him, but I was shocked when I heard he had been shot. His family must be devastated.”

Cain sighed. “You know, we come up with ideas every week. It’s another thing to have the energy and guts to follow through. Kirk was like 31 when he died. He started the Turning Points USA organization when he was 18. He walked the talk.”

Abel argued, “Kirk was a professional provocateur. Whether right or left, it’s not my style. I didn’t like the way that TP went after professors and universities.”

Cain shook his head. “Look, democracy is a fight to gain control of the agenda of a country’s institutions. The liberals had a lock on the educational institutions in this country. Kirk helped expose that and bring the policy pendulum back toward center.”

Abel smirked. “The pandemic lockdowns did that. Parents finally paid attention to their kids and what they were learning. Some parents weren’t pleased. Organizations like TP used that momentum to go after education at all levels. Critical theory, a graduate level course, became a punching bag for parents angry about what their third graders were reading.”

Cain argued, “Look, advocacy organizations throw a bunch of ideas and tropes against the wall and see what sticks. Liberal or conservative, that’s how these organizations work. So don’t pick on TP for using the same tactics.”

Abel shrugged. “Ok, good point.”

Cain continued, “We criticize these public figures but it takes a lot of courage to put yourself in harm’s way in public like that. Like Kirk, Trump was standing on stage when he got shot. That guy just missed. Robert Kennedy and Malcolm X were both sitting ducks on stage. JFK was in an open car. Martin Luther King on a balcony. All vulnerable to some nut with a gun.”

Abel shrugged. “Like I said, I felt bad for his family, but I didn’t like the way he milked hate.”

Cain argued, “Come on, promoting one’s values is not ‘milking hate.’”

Abel tilted his head slightly. “I disagree. He was contentious because he wanted to arouse divisive sentiments in his audience. The audience was entertained by that vitriol. Some people like to listen to hateful talk radio. Strong emotions help people feel they’re alive.”

Cain looked over his glasses at Abel. “And liberals don’t have strong emotions?”

Abel shook his head. “So many liberal talk radio stations have failed. It’s remarkable that a progressive like Thom Hartmann has survived (Source). A 2007 study found that 91% of talk radio stations in the largest markets were conservative (Source). Why? Liberals actually want to find solutions. That may be informative but it’s not entertaining. Conservative talk radio feeds the anger monkey in people.”

Cain smiled. “Oh, like liberals don’t have an anger monkey. Come to think of it, I don’t know when I last listened to talk radio. Too many commercials. I think I’ve become less tolerant of advertising in my listening stream. I don’t miss the days when all we had to listen to was radio stations while at work.”

Abel paused in thought. “I wonder if technology will advance enough that public figures will appear as lifelike avatars on stage. Already there are hologram recreations of past performances (Source). Combine AI technology to create a live performance? The day may be coming.”

Cain replied, “Politicians are reluctant to do townhall meetings. Sure, some would like to avoid protesters but also partly because of the security concerns (Source). 9-11 was sudden. After that, security precautions affected our lives. Tight security protocols at airports and on public transportation. A before and after moment. The increased targeting of public figures may mark a more gradual trend to ‘democracy by Zoom,’ or something like that. It might just become too risky to appear in person in a public venue.”

Abel woke up his phone. “I was reading a working paper published this year by the United Nations. The authors, Patricia Justino and Melissa Samarin, identified two dimensions of public trust. One is a trust in society’s institutions and government. The other is an interpersonal trust (Source).”

Cain interrupted, “Interpersonal like with people you know? Work mates and family?”

Abel replied, “Trust in dealing with strangers. Like, how well can you trust people in your daily life? Anyhow, that level of trust affects how we comply with laws and regulations, and how we cooperate with others. They cited a World Values Survey that’s been going on since the early eighties and they say there has been a decline in trust the past two decades.”

Cain asked, “Institutional? I get that. 9-11, the financial crisis, the pandemic.”

Abel nodded. “It’s global, not just in this country. The biggest declines are in Africa and Latin America.”

Cain asked, “What about the U.S.?”

Abel replied, “The U.S., U.K. and Australia decreased slightly. In China and Vietnam, institutional trust has increased.”

Cain frowned. “I think there’s also a decrease in trust between the states, between government institutions. Texas is suing New York over the mailing of abortion pills. Reminds me of the controversy over fugitive slaves. The non-slavery northern states did not honor orders from a slave state to return a slave that had fled into a northern state. There are sanctuary cities which won’t cooperate with federal immigration enforcement.”

Abel sighed. “Yeah, immigration is one issue. The abortion pill thing is different, I think. The states don’t regulate the mail. The federal government does. Congress has passed laws against mailing lottery tickets into some states but hasn’t passed a law against mailing prescription medicine (Source – Title 18 U.S.C. 1301). Besides, most mail-order prescriptions get sent from a California pharmacy so that involves California even if the controversy is between New York and Texas. This is an issue for Congress unless this activist court steps in and issues yet another decision with no explanation.”

Cain said, “Back in the sixties, people in southern states used to hang Chief Justice Earl Warren in effigy. They didn’t like the court’s decisions requiring them to desegregate schools, or allow marriages between consenting adults, regardless of race.”

Abel smirked. “Rural folks did not like ‘one person, one vote,’ something we take for granted today. Apportionment in a lot of states negated any population growth in urban areas and ensured rural control of state legislatures (Source).”

Cain nodded. “Yeah, that was the Warren court too. Another 5-4 decision that affected the balance of power. I’ve been reading Rick Perlstein’s book Before the Storm. It’s about the birth and growth of the conservative movement in American during the 1950s and early 1960s. It’s like a month by month account of what was going in in America during that time, seen through the lens of political ideology and alliances.”

Abel frowned. “Did he write Nixonland? Or am I thinking about Robert Caro?”

Cain replied, “Perlstein wrote that. He also wrote on the Reagan years. Caro did the biography of Johnson.”

Abel shook his head. “It’s weird. Both Johnson and Nixon were melancholy men. Why did Americans elect melancholy candidates during the 1960s? Kennedy’s election was aspirational, uplifting. He was assassinated in 1963. The 1964 election was a memorial to Kennedy in a way. Sometimes we elect people who reflect ourselves. Other time we elect those who seem to represent something we aspire to be.”

Cain nodded. “Maybe it’s a struggle between those two forces. Kennedy worried whether he could win reelection. He campaigned in Dallas to help shore up support in that state. According to Perlstein, the south was already turning away from Democrats. Nixon’s so called ‘Southern Strategy’ really began with Goldwater’s campaign in that election. Goldwater was so popular that he filled Dodger Stadium with people who paid to see him.”

Abel looked quizzical. “I thought Johnson trounced Goldwater in that campaign.”

Cain nodded. “He did (Source). Johnson ran his own election campaign and he used every bit of Presidential power to tarnish Goldwater. But all of the deep south states went with Goldwater, a total flip from the 1960 election. It wasn’t just folks in the south who were unhappy with decisions from the Warren court. The reaction to integrated schools and busing, another Warren court decision, was strong in northern cities. Big protests in New York City against busing. In Chicago, union activists protested affirmative action policies. They were afraid they were going to lose their jobs to black workers. In the 1968 election, the industrial Midwest states flipped red (Source).”

Abel sighed. “I think this country will ever be cursed by slavery. Trump wants the Smithsonian to put away some of its slavery exhibits. A ‘stick your head in the sand’ approach to solving problems. I think a lot of people thought that by electing Obama, a bi-racial candidate, America would finally put the issue to rest.”

Cain smiled. “Yeah, like China would adopt democracy and laissez-faire capitalism after being admitted to the World Trade Organization in the early 2000s. Like the country would play by the rules of free trade and floating exchange rates. Fat chance.”

Abel replied, “I think the International Monetary Fund supervises exchange rates, not the WTO. Actors within the system get away with murder because regulation and supervision is separated among different organizations. The U.S. complained about it a lot, but these international organizations are toothless.”  

Cain argued, “I think they’re constructed to have weak enforcement capabilities so that they do not threaten the sovereignty of the more powerful countries who set up these organizations in the first place. Every country complains about the anarchy that’s inherent in the international system, but no country wants to recognize any authority greater than their own.”

Abel laughed. “It’s the rule of self-interest. If a country wants help, then they are all about consensus values in the international community, blah, blah, blah.”

Cain frowned. “Back on the subject of slavery. Perlstein’s book reminded me that there have always been regional differences in this country. Madison worried about factions in general. Factions based on religion, culture, social class, economic self-interest (Source). As the country spread westward in the first half of the 19th century, he worried about factions based on geography, particularly North and South, and the issue of slavery (Source). While slavery was no longer an issue in the 20th century, racial prejudices run like an undercurrent through our history.”

Abel nodded. “I liked your idea a few weeks ago. Having four regions within each party. Fight faction with more faction. Formalize the regional differences in this country so that they are not just categories in some economic or political study. Let the divided interests speak and compete within each party. Otherwise, I’m worried that we are coming to blows.”

Cain stood up. “I feel bad for Kirk’s family, his wife and kids. His parents. No parent should see their child die. If I got to make one rule in the universe, that would be it.”

Abel looked up. “Like I said, I was shocked. I didn’t want to give you the impression that I lacked sympathy for his family. We’ve both been there. We know the hole that an early death leaves in our lives.”

Cain pursed his lips. “Yeah. Hey, I’ll see you next week.”

Abel said, “Here’s hoping to better news next week. See ya.”

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Photo by H&CO on Unsplash

A Real Test

February 27, 2022

by Stephen Stofka

A central archetype of the American character is an individual who stands up to a large institution. America declared independence in defiance of the British Empire. The text and spirit of the Constitution shows a healthy distrust of institutional power. In Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, Jimmy Stewart played an idealistic young man who wrestled with the power politics of the Washington elite. In 1971, Daniel Ellsberg challenged the White House and Defense Dept when he released the details of the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times. In his 2016 Presidential campaign, Donald Trump played the newcomer, ready to challenge the institutional power of Washington. This week thousands of Ukrainian civilians volunteered to take up arms against the Russian Army’s assault on their capital, Kyiv. This was a defiant defense of democracy that most Americans could champion.

Americans have long been conflicted in their attitudes to the institutions that form the web of civic life. Our faith in government has been sorely tested in the past two decades. The pretext for the war in Iraq was founded on faulty intelligence and political passion. The fall of Enron and the discrediting of a large accounting firm, Arthur Anderson, led many to question what the attention and motives of the many agencies that took up office space in Washington. The financial crisis confirmed our worst fears. Corruption, incompetence and political impotence had helped bring the global financial system to its knees. When the pandemic touched the shores of America in early 2020, there was not much belief left in the reservoir of American trust.  

In late 2018, the Pew Research Center interviewed 10,000 Americans about their trust in government (Rainie et al., 2021). Trust in government was at historic lows and ¾ of respondents thought it had become much worse in the past twenty years. A supermajority of Americans can’t distinguish truth from lies when politicians speak. At that time, only 42% of those interviewed thought that a lack of trust was a big problem. The pandemic has revealed just how big a problem it is. Parents have threatened school board officials. Thousands of airline passengers have threatened fellow passengers and airline employees. Americans have reacted violently not to an invading army but to mask mandates. Is this what we fight for?

A lack of trust in government may be very low but it is not new. More troubling is the growing lack of trust we have in other Americans, an unraveling of social cohesion that takes years to develop and decades to repair. Under the pretense of fostering connection with others, social media helps drive us apart with carefully written algorithms that promote conflict as a form of social engagement. We need an enemy other than our neighbors. As Ukrainians escape with their children to Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Moldova – as they sleep in subway tunnels to escape bombardment by Russian troops – as they take up arms to protect their capital – let’s remember that the real test of freedom is not whether we have to wear a mask in a grocery store or on a plane.

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Photo by Aaron Burden on Unsplash

Rainie, L., Keeter, S., & Perrin, A. (2021, July 27). Trust and Distrust in America. Pew Research Center – U.S. Politics & Policy. Retrieved February 27, 2022, from https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2019/07/22/trust-and-distrust-in-america/

Chains of Corruption

August 15, 2021

by Steve Stofka

This week the Taliban accelerated their months-long takeover of Afghanistan, a country where the American people have spent almost $1 trillion in the past two decades (BBC News, 2021). As the insurgents command large cities there are daily reports of atrocities committed to enforce the Taliban’s extremist interpretation of the Koran, particularly women’s dress codes and smartphones (Gibbons-Neff, Shah, & Huylebroek, 2021). People are asking why is there so little resistance to the Taliban? American taxpayers have helped bolster the Afghan military to 300,000. Couldn’t they fight a Taliban insurgency of less than 100,000? American taxpayers have spent a lot of money to build an Afghan air force, much of which is now in the hands of the Taliban. What happened?

A short answer is corruption. A slightly longer answer is that no amount of money can build strong institutions of trust and fairness among a people in less than two decades. One indication of corruption is the ease of doing business in a country. In 2018, the World Bank ranked Afghanistan 173rd out of 189 countries (FRED, 2021). As a comparison, Zimbabwe and Nigeria, two countries famous for the corruption in government at all levels, rank 140th and 131st  in ease of doing business. The U.S. is ranked 6th, a rule of trust, law and order that most Americans take for granted.

The Afghan people are bound together by the chains of bribery. People must pay bribes in addition to the normal fees to get electricity turned on, to get an ID card, or to open up a small shop (Keefe, 2015). Corruption becomes the dominant institution, creating a culture of predator and prey. There is no incentive to improve public service because the waiting list for those services supports the livelihood of public officials dependent on the bribe system. Those able and willing to pay a generous bribe to a utility worker can get their electric service turned on in a week. Less generous customers might wait six months. Those with any public authority prey on everyone else and there is competition for those positions of authority. To keep a position, a public official kicks back part of their monthly take in bribes to their supervisor and the money flows to the top of the government “food” chain (Filkins, 2009). In 2010, Mohammed Bouazizi lit himself on fire to protest a similar system in Tunisia in North Africa.

Reporters stationed in Afghanistan report that there may be only 60,000 soldiers actually serving in uniform. The rest are on the payroll because they know someone who knows someone. Those in uniform have little food or ammo, the money for those goods disappearing into someone’s pocket.

American taxpayers have paid for a lot of improvement as well as death in Afghanistan. GDP is five times higher in 2019 than it was in 2000. In 1980, literacy was 18%. In 2010, it was 30%. In fifty years, the fertility rate has declined by almost half and the infant mortality rate plunged to a sixth of what it was in 1962, when 1 out of 4 Afghan infants died. Life expectancy at birth has increased from 32 years in 1960 to 65 years in 2018 (FRED, 2021). Much of the progress has occurred after the U.S. invasion, a testament to the American commitment to the well-being and security of the Afghan people.

There is no magic formula for building strong institutions of trust and law among a people. The British built an extensive bureaucracy to administer India, but the interpersonal culture of India turned that formal institutional structure into the infamous “license raj” system that exists today. Despite decades of effort and political promises, that corruption hinders growth in India, which is ranked 63rd in ease of doing business. Imagine what it is like in Afghanistan with its rank of 173rd.  Instead of focusing on the money Americans have spent in Afghanistan, lets be grateful that we enjoy an environment of trust, law and order that is not perfect but better than most countries.

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Photo by Claudio Schwarz on Unsplash

BBC News. (2021, July 06). Afghanistan war: What has the conflict cost the US? Retrieved August 14, 2021, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-47391821.

FRED – Federal Reserve. (2021). Various series on Afghanistan. Retrieved August 14, 2021, from https://fred.stlouisfed.org. Note: search for Afghanistan

Filkins, D. (2009, January 02). Afghan corruption: Everything for sale. Retrieved August 14, 2021, from https://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/02/world/asia/02iht-corrupt.1.19050534.html

Gibbons-Neff, T., Shah, T., & Huylebroek, J. (2021, February 15). The Taliban close in on Afghan Cities, pushing the country to the brink. Retrieved August 14, 2021, from https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/15/world/asia/taliban-afghanistan.html

Keefe, P. R. (2015, January 19). Corruption and Revolt. New Yorker. doi:http://emiguel.econ.berkeley.edu/assets/assets/miguel_media/387/The_New_Yorker_Corruption_and_Revolt___Does_Tolerating_Graft_Undermine_National_Security.pdf