Category: Labor Unions

A Debate on Tariffs

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by Stephen Stofka

This is 12th in a series of debates on various issues. The debates are voiced by Abel, a Wilsonian with a faith that government can ameliorate social and economic injustices to improve society’s welfare, and Cain, who believes that individual autonomy, the free market and the price system promote the greatest good.

This week, Abel began the conversation. “Toward the end of our conversation last week, you mentioned the shift of voter sentiment toward the right.”

Cain nodded, “Yes, the New York Times analyzed the change in election results from the 2020 election and it showed a shift toward the Republican Party in most counties (Source – NY Times).”

Abel interrupted, “Voters shifted left in the 2020 election. For the past twenty years, sentiment seesaws left and right with each election. Voters are so evenly divided that a slight shift can have a dramatic effect on party control of government.”

Cain argued, “This time is different. The voters want change. The neoliberal wing of the Republican Party has been discredited and driven out after two failed wars and a permissive trade policy that boosted China’s economy at the expense of American jobs. Gary Gerstle (2022, pg. 2) writes that it was the financial crisis that triggered the fall of the neoliberal order. President Trump is trying to undo the mistakes of that neoliberal ideology.”

Abel frowned. “I’ve read that book. Gerstle also noted that neoliberal policies were responsible for a lowering of the barriers to free trade (pg. 5). Tariffs and borders, for example. Trump is on a mission to rebuild those barriers. That will only hurt trade and weaken American business and consumers.”

Cain shook his head. “Open borders allowed for the smuggling of drugs and people across our southern and northern borders. The costs of open borders outweigh the benefits.”

Abel sighed. “25% tariffs on imports from Mexico and Canada are going to fuel inflation and hurt consumers. Both countries have said they will retaliate. We export a lot of grains to Canada. That will hurt our farmers.”

Cain argued, “In 2002, President Bush raised tariffs on steel and aluminum imports to as much as 30%. A year later, after complaints to the WTO, Bush ended the tariffs. Trump is made of stronger stuff. These countries are not doing enough to curb drug and people smuggling. It may not be an explicit violation of trade rules, but it violates the spirit of those rules.”

Abel replied, “Bush did that to save jobs in the steel industry. Instead of stemming the flow of jobs to other countries, the tariffs caused the loss of 200,000 manufacturing jobs (Source). Trump’s tariffs are going to raise unemployment and cost consumers.”

Cain rolled his eyes. “We’re not going to agree on this. We have got to restore our nation’s manufacturing capacity and the supply chains that support production that is vital to our security. China controls a lot of essential minerals used in the production of electronics. They are actively pursuing alliances with African countries to lock up essential mineral resources. This is economic warfare, and we have to take measures to defend ourselves.”

Abel frowned. “Tariffs lead to trade wars. Trump is acting like he has a mandate. He won with the lowest margin of the popular vote in the past four decades – just 1.5%. He didn’t even get a majority of the votes (Source). In 2016, he got fewer votes than Hillary Clinton. Contrast that with Obama, who had a 7.2% margin of victory in 2008, and Biden who won by 4.5% in 2020. Voters for Trump are going to wake up and find that they have been screwed.”

Cain argued, “Democrats always use the popular vote as a measure of voter approval. States with a less concentrated population provide the resources that are vital to the economy and security of this country. Those states supply the food, the beef, the fuel that people in urban areas rely on. It’s an economic symbiosis. The producers and workers in rural areas should not be put at a disadvantage simply because their production requires more land. The Electoral College balances the inequities that result from a popular vote.”

Abel scratched his chin. “Tariffs are going to hurt the rural producers and workers that voted for Trump. Those red rural states already depend on the coastal blue states for federal benefits like farm and oil subsidies, Medicaid and welfare and they resent it. They imagine that Trump will revitalize rural economies so that they are more like it was in the 1950s when relative wages were higher. It was the unions who bargained for those higher wages and benefits. Without unions in the private sector, wages in rural counties will remain low.”

Cain raised an eyebrow. “Unions abused their power and companies became less competitive. Unions sometimes enforced rules among their members with violence or intimidation in the workplace (Source). They invite free riding. ‘Shirkers’ are paid at the same rate as productive employees. It’s bad for morale and makes workers less productive as a whole. An employee in a union has two bosses – the shop steward and the employer. The employer wants the employee to work at their best. The shop steward might want an employee to slow down so as not to raise the employer’s expectations.”

Abel cocked his head slightly. “Free riding is a collective action problem that is not unique to labor unions. They empowered workers in negotiations with large companies who wielded extraordinary power in the labor market. In some counties, a company was a monopsony, the main source of employment for everyone in that region.”

Cain argued, “The government is the largest employer in the country employing over 23 million at various levels (Source). Walmart, the largest private employer, has just over 2 million workers (Source). Unions have taken over the public sector.”

Abel interrupted. “Let me stop you there. The BLS just released their annual survey of union membership. It’s less than a third in the public sector (Source).”

Cain nodded. “OK, perhaps I overstated the percentage. Still, public sector membership is five times what it is in the private sector. Unions may give workers more bargaining power, higher wages and more benefits. Who pays for all that? Taxpayers. Our public schools are not teaching essential reading and math skills. Fewer police officers on the street. Potholes go unfilled. What are taxpayers getting for their money? Screwed.”

Abel scoffed. “Elementary school teachers generally make less than the average wage in their local economy. In Denver, an elementary school teacher averages almost $54,000 (Source). The average in private industry is more than $80,000 (Source).”

Cain argued, “Ok, so maybe elementary school teachers in Denver are underpaid. Their main funding source is local property taxes. In the whole metro area though, federal government employees make $2128 a week (Source). That’s far above the average weekly wage of $1721 in the private sector (Source).”

Abel shrugged a shoulder. “Look, Denver is a regional hub. There is a higher proportion of tech employees in the federal workforce in Denver than the private sector. State government employees make just $2 more than the average (Source).”

Cain frowned. “If the mix of jobs and talent was similar to the private sector, then their union is not very effective at negotiating pay.”

Abel showed some impatience. “Your group doesn’t like unions. I get that. Incorporation is a collaboration of capital for investor profits. A union is a collaboration of workers for better pay and working conditions. Capitalism has been so successful because it turns the free riding problem into an advantage.”

Cain laughed. “You’re saying something good about capitalism? Go on.”

Abel smiled. “Small investors, holders of common stock in a company, enjoy the same return on their capital as the giant hedge fund who may own a substantial stake in the company. Because they have so much at stake, large investors take an active role in monitoring or directing management decisions. The small investors freeride on those efforts.”

Cain nodded. “That’s an interesting perspective. I still don’t think that unions are needed to negotiate for workers. Worker productivity and demand will support higher wages.”

Abel sighed. “In theory. This is the real world, not a freshman class in economics. If capital can collaborate to gain bargaining power, workers must collaborate to match that power.”

Cain motioned his impatience. “We started out talking about tariffs and now we’re talking about unions.”

Abel laughed. “We are exploring different perspectives. We will never come to an agreement unless we try to understand each other’s positions on these issues.”

Cain nodded. “See you next week then.”   

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Image by ChatGPT

Gerstle, G. (2022). The rise and fall of the neoliberal order America and the world in the free market era. Oxford University Press.

The American Federation of Government Employees represents 800,000 of two million federal employees (Source). The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees represents more than 1.3 million workers (Source).

Labor Productivity

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September 24, 2023

by Stephen Stofka

This week’s letter is about labor productivity. The autoworker’s union (UAW) expanded its strike to 38 parts and distribution plants in the hopes that a wider impact will incentivize further concessions from auto executives. Labor constitutes only 10-15% of the price of a car yet labor disputes may give the impression that rising car prices are entirely or mostly the fault of labor union demand.

For more than 100 years, auto plants of the Big Three automakers have been union shops. Foreign manufacturers like Toyota and Honda have built non-union plants in southern states where union organizers have less influence with policymakers. There are almost a million auto workers now in Mexico where wages have been lower. In 2022, GM Mexico paid its workers between $9.15 and $33.74 an hour, but relatively few auto workers in Mexico make more than $16 per hour.

Two weeks ago, the BLS released their productivity figures for the second quarter. Productivity rose faster than labor costs by a good margin – notching a 3.5% annualized gain versus a 2.2% increase in unit labor costs. The manufacturing sector that car manufacturers belong to had a lower productivity gain of 2.9%. In that productivity release the BLS provided a chart grouping productivity gains by decade. The 75-year average is a 2.1% annual growth rate.

An often repeated theme of union workers and workers in general is that wage gains have not kept up with productivity gains. The BLS charted both series since 1973 and the divergence keeps growing by decade. American workers are competing with lower wage workers in Mexico, China and southeast Asia.

The annual gain in Productivity is erratic, rising sharply at the onset of recessions when workers are let go and the total hours worked declines. Recessions reduce the percentage of hours worked far more than the percentage reduction in output. I charted the annual gain in Labor Productivity (FRED Series OPHNFB) to show the effect of these shocks. The pandemic caused a particularly sharp rise and fall, as shown in the red rectangle below.

A five-year chart smooths out the divergences, letting us see the patterns more clearly. The red line in the graph below is the 1.5% current growth rate.

Trends in productivity growth are a medium term process, longer than any Presidential term. Despite that, candidates promise big productivity gains if they are elected. Republican candidates promise that lower taxes will boost productivity because that claim appeals to Republican voters. When productivity growth declined following the Bush tax cuts in 2001, conservatives blamed the stifling effects of regulatory compliance and called for more tax cuts. Democratic politicians promise more subsidies to an industry that is not nimble enough to respond to changing economic circumstances.

There are many factors that contribute to productivity growth. Some economists claimed that lower interest rates after the financial crisis would raise productivity. It fell. Those believers assert that declining productivity growth would have been worse without lower interest rates. This claim also cannot be disproved. Hypothetical situations are the favorite shield of a believer.

Corporate profits are up sharply since the start of the pandemic. For the past year, GM has enjoyed strong profit growth but they have had far too many down quarters since the financial crisis. Ford has fared better but its profit margin of 2.4% is only slightly more than the high-volume, low margin grocery giant Kroger. Stellantis has struggled to make a profit since 2018. For decades, federal and state governments have subsidized these auto giants with tax breaks and loans because the industry as a whole employs 1.7 million workers and contributes more than 10% to GDP. It is an industry where politics and economics are tightly intertwined. The politics clouds the economic analysis and the economics contorts the political calculations.

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20230924AssemblyLine

Photo by carlos aranda on Unsplash

Keywords: auto industry, GM, Ford, Stellantis, union, UAW, labor, workers, wages

The Power in Our Pockets

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September 17, 2023

by Stephen Stofka

This week’s letter is about wages and income and the real purchasing power in our pockets. The auto workers’ union (UAW) went on strike limited to three auto plants while they continued negotiations with the auto companies. Nurses at Kaiser Permanente have voted to go out on strike by September 30th if they cannot resolve outstanding differences with Kaiser’s management. Executive compensation at the auto companies is now more than 300 times the average worker’s pay, the UAW points out, claiming that workers have as much right to share in the profits as executives and shareholders.

Legislation passed after the financial crisis required that publicly held companies report their CEO-to-Worker pay ratios. A recent analysis of companies in the SP500 estimated a pay ratio of 272-1 in 2022. The auto industry is part of the consumer cyclical industry, whose median executive compensation in 2021 was $13.7 million, as reported by Equilar. In 1965, the pay ratio was approximately 20-1. In the 1980s, the Reagan administration adopted a relaxed regulatory stance to corporate mergers and companies have grown much larger in the past decades. The pay ratio, however, has grown out of all proportion to the growth in corporate size.

A combination of factors contribute to high relative CEO pay. Thomas Greckhamer (2015) identified six paths – configurations of various factors – that are present in countries with high CEO pay and those without high CEO pay. He found that the relative pay of CEOs is high in countries where equity markets are well developed and highly liquid. Ownership is widely dispersed so that the CEO enjoys more power relative to stock owners and can negotiate higher compensation packages. CEOs do not have high relative pay in high welfare states where there are strong worker rights. A cultural acceptance of inequality and hierarchical authority, termed “power distance” by Geert Hofstede in 1980, contribute to high relative CEO pay. Here is a quick explainer. As a comparative example, the power distance factor in the American culture is low, half that of Mexico.  

Companies today derive their revenue and profits globally. For that reason it is not accurate to divide corporate profits by the number of employees in the U.S. I am going to do it anyway just to show the profound change that has taken place since the 1970s, a benchmark decade often cited as the beginning of growing inequality in the pay ratio. In the chart below I have adjusted after-tax corporate profits (FRED Series CP) for inflation, then divided that by the number of employees reported by the BLS (FRED Series PAYEMS). The trend is more important than the actual figures. Even though the 2010s were relatively flat the level of profits per employee was about double the level of the 1990s. Let’s compare that to worker incomes.

Since 1992, median household income adjusted for inflation has risen 23%, a level that is far below the rise in profits per worker. The chart below shows the gain on a log scale. Real incomes have gained less than 1% per year.

A few weeks ago I proposed adjusting prices by a broad index of house prices instead of the CPI. Two-thirds of American households own their home and home values reflect the discounted flow of housing services that we get from a home during our lifetimes. Housing costs are already almost half of the CPI and trends in home prices capture the feel of inflation on household budgets more accurately than the many CPI measures economists currently use.

During the 1980s and 1990s, housing prices increased 4% annually. The chart below describes the median household income adjusted by the all-transactions home price index (FRED Series USSTHPI). Notice that household incomes during those two decades stayed on an even keel.

Had the Fed structured their monetary policy to keep home price growth at the same level as the 1980s and 1990s, real incomes would be near the level of the green line, 10% higher today. Instead, workers feel as though they are on the path of the red line, regardless of what official measures of real household income indicate. The red line reflects a sense of discomfort and tension in many American households that plays out in our politics. The trend began with housing and finance policies enacted by both parties in Congress across five Presidential administrations.  

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Photo by Charles Chen on Unsplash

Keywords: home prices, labor unions, wages, income, household income

Greckhamer, T. (2015). CEO compensation in relation to worker compensation across countries: The configurational impact of country-level institutions. Strategic Management Journal, 37(4), 793–815. https://doi.org/10.1002/smj.2370

Working Worries

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April 11, 2021

by Steve Stofka

Early Saturday morning came the news that Amazon workers at the Bessemer, Alabama plant had rejected a union by more than 2-1. The strength of the rejection surprised analysts and advocates. Companies who offer competitive wages and generous benefit packages often win against union adoption elections.

Amazon workers at Bessemer start at $15 an hour; adjusted for relative cost of living, it is $17.30, slightly below the national median warehouse wage of $17.77. In addition, Amazon offers comparatively generous medical benefits. In a 2020 study, Antonios Chantziaras at the Durham University Business School and two professors at Greek business colleges found that auditing fees are higher for U.S. companies that have unions, an indication of the complexity of union work rules (2020). It makes economic sense for companies to pay workers enough to dissuade any organizing efforts.

The Amazon workers who would be receptive to union organizing are those in Los Angeles, where the starting pay is the same $15 hour. According to the BEA, the cost of living in L.A. is 40% higher than in Bessemer. The starting pay of $15 is above California’s minimum wage of $14, but indexed to the nation as a whole, that $15 per hour in L.A. is worth only $11 per hour.

Bernie Sanders and others campaigned in Bessemer to show support for union organizers. Instead of trying to organize where workers would be motivated to join a union, workers in Amazon’s 230 warehouses have been waiting to see the results of the Bessemer election. Why does organized labor and the politicians who support them campaign with the most effort in those geographic areas that are the least likely to succeed?

According to many analysts the economy is on a coiled spring, ready for explosive growth. There are many positive signs but the contradictions are puzzling. For two consecutive weeks, initial jobless claims have risen. However, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that the 4-week average of unemployment claims has not risen (FRED Series CC4WSA). The past two weeks may be data noise or a seasonal shift in the workforce, but that is not the sign of an economy poised to leap into action. In March, the 4-week average of claims was almost double the number of claims in March 2020, as the nation went into lockdown.

The Covid pandemic has uncovered startling disparities in our economy. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, those who kept their jobs this past year have seen a 4% increase in weekly wages (FRED Series CES0500000011). The other half of that story is ugly. Those service businesses who are open may offer jobs at lower wages. With many businesses still closed, job applicants have what economists call low bargaining power and are willing to take less pay.

The Relief Act and the recent stimulus checks have helped many. Let’s hope that these worrying signs are just noise and that the country is back to full recovery.

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Photo by Christopher Burns on Unsplash

BEA. (2019). Cost of living calculator. Retrieved April 11, 2021, from https://research.stlouisfed.org/publications/cost-of-living/calculator

Chantziaras, A., Dedoulis, E., & Leventis, S. (2020). The impact of labor unionization on monitoring costs. European Management Journal, 38(2), 288-307. doi:10.1016/j.emj.2019.09.004. Retrieved from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0263237319301100#!

Productivity And Labor Unions

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February 5, 2017

About 10% of all workers, public and private, belong to a union. Today the percentage of private sector employees who are unionized is the same as in 1932, eighty years ago. (Wikipedia) The rise and fall of unon membership looks like the familiar bell curve, with the peak in the 1970s. The causes of the decline are debated but some attribute the erosion of union power as an important factor in wage stagnation.

The major factor is not declining union membership but declining productivity, and that persistent decline has economists and policymakers baffled.  Higher productivity should equal higher wage growth and, in the 30 year post-war period 1948-1977, multi-factor productivity (MFP) annual growth averaged 1.7%. MFP includes both labor and capital inputs. In the 40 year period from 1976-2015, MFP growth averaged about half that rate – .9%.

prodmfp1948-2015

In the debate over the causes of the decline, some contend that all the easy gains were made by 1980.  Productivity is now returning to a centuries long growth trend that is less than 1%. In an October 2016 Bloomberg article, Justin Fox picked apart BLS data to show that growth has been flat in some key manufacturing areas for the past three decades. The ten-fold surge in productivity growth in the tech sector is largely responsible for any growth during the past 30 years. OECD data indicates that other developed countries are experiencing a similar lack of growth (OECD Table) When no one can conclusively demonstrate what the causes are for the decline, policymakers face tough challenges and even tougher debate over the solutions.

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LoanGate

LoanGate may the next scandal. A few months ago, the Dept of Education (DoE) revealed that they had seriously undercounted student loan delinqencies because of a programming error. When the Wall St. Journal analyzed the revised data, they found that the majority of students at 25% of all colleges and trade schools in the U.S. had defaulted on their student loan or failed to make any repayment.  (WSJ article)

The Obama administration forced the closure of many private institutions whose students had low repayment rates. In 2015, Corinthian Colleges shuttered the last of its schools and filed for bankruptcy. The revised data show that many more institutions, both public and private, should be shut down.

This latest programming error at the DoE follows other embarrassing episodes during the two Obama terms. In October 2013, the rollout of Obamacare was riddled with programming errors that blocked many applicants from enrolling in a plan with healthcare.gov.

In 2010, the IRS delayed many applications for 501(c)3 tax status from mostly conservative political groups. Lois Lerner, the head of the agency, first claimed that these had been innocent clerical mistakes by an overworked staff, but a series of hearings uncovered the fact that employees at the IRS had acted on their own political feelings and deliberately targeted these groups. (Mother Jones)

In yet another incident, the Office of Personnel and Managment (OPM), the HR dept for thousands of Federal employees, revealed in 2016 a data breach involving 22,000,000 personnel records, including Social Security numbers.  Unchecked programming errors and data breaches erode the public’s faith in public institutions.  That these mistakes happened under a Democratic administration favoring ever bigger public institutions to solve ever bigger social problems is especially embarrassing.

When Obama first took office in 2009, the inflation adjusted total of student debt had quadrupled in the 15 year period (DoE paper – page 1) since 1993. By the time he left office eight years later, student debt had grown ten-fold to $1.3 trillion. The delinquency rate on that debt is 11% but the repayment rate is considered a better predictor of future delinquencies. The revised data reduced the combined repayment rate to a little more than 50% (Inside Higher Ed), far lower than the 75% plus repayment rates of a few decades ago.

The defaults are coming and there will be an inevitable call for a taxpayer bailout.  A popular element of Bernie Sanders’ Presidential platform was that a college education should be free. In the real world, nothing is free, so somebody pays.  Who should pay and how much will further aggravate tensions in an already divided electorate.

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Five Year Rule

A few weeks ago I wrote about the 5-year rule, a backstop to any allocation rule. Any money needed in the next five years should be in stable assets like short to intermediate term bonds, CDs and cash. Why 5 years of income? Why not 2 years or 10 years? Answer: History.

Let’s look back at 80 years in 5 year slices, or what is called 5-year rolling periods. As an example, the years 2000 – 2004 would be a 5-year rolling period. 2001 – 2005 would be the next period, and so on.

Saving me the time and effort of running the data on stock market returns is a blogger at All Financial Matters who put together a table of this very data for the years 1926-2012. The table shows that the SP500 has held or increased its inflation adjusted value (very important that we look at the real value) almost 75% of the time. So the 5-year rule guards against a loss of value the other 25% of the time.

The 5-year rule can apply whenever there are anticipated income needs from our savings: retirement, college expenses, sickness or disability, and even a greater chance of losing our jobs. In a retirement span of 25 years, 6 of those years will fall into that 25% category. The 5-year rule minimum usually kicks in toward the end of retirement when a person’s reserves are lower and prudence is especially important.