May 17, 2026

By Stephen Stofka

This week I want to explore the nature of propaganda. Is it a form of speech? Is it in the eye of the beholder, like beauty? Did the framers intend to protect propaganda as a form of speech?

Let’s look at a dictionary meaning of propaganda: “information, ideas, or rumors deliberately spread widely to help or harm a person, group, movement, institution, nation, etc.” (Source). The Bible would satisfy that definition. Most of the political spin that comes out of the White House would also satisfy that definition. CYA, or “Cover Your Ass” comments and redirection is a form of propaganda.

I prefer the definition in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), which describes the meaning as “the systematic dissemination of information, esp. in a biased or misleading way, in order to promote a particular cause or point of view, often a political agenda” (Source). Propaganda is prop-agenda,  a propping up or boosting of an agenda or regime. Propaganda is systematic, not casual. Harm to a group or person is incidental to promoting a particular cause. This helps distinguish retribution  from propaganda.

President Trump often attacks people he doesn’t like in a systematic way, a characteristic of propaganda, but he does not promote a particularly coherent cause. Trump uses repetition as a strategy of branding or labeling. His attacks on Jerome Powell, Chairman of the Federal Reserve, for being “incompetent” and “crooked” is a branding strategy in a campaign of retribution (Source). It is not propaganda.

The former talk show host Rush Limbaugh used repetition and ridicule to brand political figures that he didn’t like. Trump borrows some of those techniques but doesn’t have Limbaugh’s imagination. Limbaugh invented colorful names and phrases to belittle political opponents, and the reach of his radio program helped them become common usage. Examples include tree huggers for environmental activists, feminazis for abortion activists, and drive-by media for mainstream media. Both Limbaugh and Trump emphasized the entertainment aspect of political discourse.

In 1922, journalist Walter Lippmann published Public Opinion, about the shaping of public opinion in a democracy. World War I had birthed a massive propaganda machine in America, led by George Creel, who headed the Creel Committee, appointed by President Wilson to promote America’s involvement in the war (Source). Wilson had won re-election in 1916 on the promise that America would stay out of the war in Europe, and he needed to combat the isolationist sentiments of the majority of Americans. Creel fought “for the minds of men, for the conquest of their convictions” to spread “the gospel of Americanism” to “every corner of the globe,” Lippman quoted Creel (p. 19). So began the evangelical crusade to convince the world that American institutions were superior to those of other nations.

Lippmann wrote “Without some form of censorship, propaganda in the strict sense of the word is impossible” (p. 18). Censorship is a key aspect because it is a police power, a function of government. Lippmann wrote “a group of men, who can prevent independent access to the event, arrange the news of it to suit their purpose” (p. 17). All governments claim that war justifies an additional degree of censorship, but that is an ugly term in the minds of Americans. We have the First Amendment and a free press. Censorship is a term we associate with Communist Russia, China and North Korea.

In 1918, Congress passed the Sedition Act of 1918 to outlaw any “disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language” about the government, the military or the flag that interfered with the war effort. It was meant as an expansion of the Espionage Act of 1917, and more than a thousand people were prosecuted under both acts. In Debs v United States, the Supreme Court upheld the conviction of Eugene V Debs for an antiwar speech he gave (Source). The decision was unanimous, indicating how little importance the Court paid to individual rights during wartime. Although the Sedition Act was repealed in 1920, the Espionage Act remains in effect to this day (Source).

The first thing American politicians must do is sell censorship to Americans as something other than censorship. An administration may be “combating misinformation” for the “public safety.” Censorship is necessary to “protect national security.” Another ploy is the use of a national emergency. The administration often claims that bold and unconventional action is needed because of a national emergency, but can’t give a coherent explanation of the emergency because of national security. George Carlin (1937 – 2008) was a comedian who famously poked fun at many of the euphemisms we use. He would have found the Trump administration a rich source of material for his stage act.

To justify censorship, American politicians have been in state of war since World War 1. If they are not fighting communism, terrorism, or totalitarianism, they are at war with drugs, poverty, and injustice. War for a noble cause can be used to justify secrecy and censorship. During the Vietnam War, reporters and TV crews had fairly free battlefield access. Both the Johnson and Nixon administrations felt that an honest and open coverage of the war contributed to public skepticism and a lack of support for the war.

During the Gulf War twenty years later, reporters were herded into press pools or embedded with military units. Reporting was subject to military security reviews to prevent the leak of any operational details and for the protection of the troops. Imagery of casualties was kept to a minimum and the emphasis was on the technological prowess of the American military. Those censorship policies continued during the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars. Both Israel and America have tried to hide the costs of the current war against Iran. The Trump administration has suppressed reports of damage to American military bases in the Gulf Coast states. Defense Secretary Hegseth has purposely understated the monetary costs of the war. Israel has effectively imposed a total black out of damage within its country. Both countries have discarded the trappings of democracy, and adopted the tactics of totalitarian regimes.

Did the framers intend propaganda to be included in First Amendment protections? That is not so clear. The first use of the word in its current political meaning did not occur until 1790, according to the historical examples shown in the OED entry. The chaos of the French Revolution and the prospect of war with France led Federalists in Congress to pass the Alien and Sedition Acts in 1798 (Source). They did not refer to propaganda, as such, but used similar terms, like “seditious writings,” “foreign influence,” and referred to the “licentiousness of the press.” The Sedition Act criminalized publishing “false, scandalous, and malicious writing” against the federal government, Congress, or the president. Federalists argued that coordinated attacks by partisan newspapers could undermine public confidence and destabilize republican government.

Before the Acts expired in 1801, several defendants challenged the constitutionality of the Sedition Act. Matthew Lyon, a Republican congressman, was prosecuted and jailed for criticizing President John Adams. Lyon argued the law violated freedom of speech and press protections. Thomas Cooper challenged the constitutionality of the Sedition Act in court, arguing that criticism of government officials was protected political speech. At that time, people disagreed whether federal courts had the authority to strike down acts of Congress. A few years later, Chief Justice Marshall set a precedent in Marbury v Madison that it was the responsibility of the Supreme Court to interpret the Constitution.

Is “false, scandalous, and malicious writing” a form of propaganda? The Federalists were worried about coordinated acts by newspapers, a systemic campaign that would indicate propaganda. Remember that Walter Lippmann introduced a distinguishing characteristic of censorship, which implies a police power. I might think that Fox News broadcasts propaganda, but does Fox News have the power to impose censorship? Viewers can choose to watch or not. The coverage might be biased, but it is not propaganda. That element of censorship can only exist when government institutions produce a biased set of information and opinion in a systematic manner.

The use of propaganda is an existential tool for any political regime. That’s especially so when the media is privately owned. An administration must carefully prune information which undermines its effectiveness. The Trump administration has been particularly aggressive in reducing data gathering at federal agencies that Trump does not like (Source). He has cut staff at NOAA because he doesn’t like climate change. NOAA is responsible for climate modeling and weather forecasting. Farmers in Iowa who no doubt voted for Trump depend on that information to manage their business. He has reduced staff at the CDC and eliminated surveys that gauge reproductive health and infectious disease (Source). Like many conservatives, Trump does not like the Department of Education and would eliminate it if he could (Source video). Most of the staff at the National Center for Education Statistics has been terminated (Source). The department administers student loans and special education funding. It enforces civil rights protections and helps equalize funding across states. How well is the Trump administration managing those areas? Without a national database of information, Trump can avoid scrutiny.

Under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), media organizations file hundreds of thousands of requests to gain access to information. If the administration denies the request, the requester can file a lawsuit. There is no central database that compiles FOIA requests by administration or agency, but the number of FOIA lawsuits (not requests) during the first Trump administration far surpassed that of previous administrations (Source).

In casual conversation, we may label something as propaganda, but it is limited to a government with the police power to limit information and prosecute offenders. Detecting propaganda is made more difficult if it aligns with our biases. We may tolerate censorship by an administration that we favor, reasoning that they must have a good reason. However, we are alert to any censorship from an administration that we don’t like. We are suspicious and more apt to believe in conspiracy theories about that administration. In an electorate that is evenly divided, as we have now, half of voters are tolerant of propaganda and half are not. We need to be less tolerant of propaganda and censorship from either party. Yes, it takes time and resources. Yes, we have other concerns in our daily lives. The health and viability of a democratic republic depends on an informed people who are not duped by politicians from either party.

///////////////////

Photo by Sinitta Leunen on Unsplash