A man in a red parka stands on a snow covered hill looking at jagged mountain peak ahead of him

The Visible and Invisible

May 31, 2026

By Stephen Stofka

One of this summer’s biggest movie releases is Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey, the story of a military commander returning to his home in Greece after the Trojan war. When he encounters several dangers on the trip, Odysseus prays to the Greek goddess Athena for help. For much of human history, we have tried to leverage invisible powers to help us get what we want. These invisible powers were capable of work. We prayed to invisible beings for love, for rain, for relief from sickness and pain. Roman families prayed to their household gods, the Lares, for protection of their home and other favors. The Jewish people were the chosen people of their god.

Gods were not neutral. They took sides in battle. Gods had to be placated. If our side lost, it was because our sacrifices, our rituals had not pleased our gods. If our side won, it was because our god was more powerful than their god. Catholics and Jews shared the same God, the same Old Testament, but differed on the belief in the divinity of Christ. Jews had to be punished and persecuted. Catholics and Muslims shared the same God, but Muslims had an entirely different text, the Koran, and a prophet that Catholics did not recognize. The Catholics launched several crusades to defeat the Muslims. Protestants and Catholics had the same god and the same sacred texts, but a different hierarchy, and different worship rituals. Each side believed that their way of worship was right and warred against each other throughout Europe.

The Age of Neutrality

The realm of the natural was visible, capable of being perceived by our senses. Phenomenon not accessible to our senses was the realm of the supernatural. In 1644, Evangelista Toricelli showed that the atmosphere had weight. We were like crabs out of water, walking beneath an ocean of air (Source). The invisible was no longer the realm of the supernatural. A few years later Otto von Guericke showed that the weight of the air could be used to lift objects. For the first time in history, an invisible being could do work, and the word force was repurposed to include these “gods” of nature. A few decades later, Newton published his theory of gravity in 1687. These natural gods like gravity were neutral. The god of gravity treated everyone the same. These natural forces were more reliable, more predictable than the supernatural gods. In several more decades, Thomas Newcomen developed an efficient steam engine. People were learning to bring the invisible forces of heaven down to earth, ushering in the First Industrial Revolution (Source).

Social Exchange

As physical scientists explored the exchange of energy in physics, chemistry and biology, social scientists began to investigate exchanges of the invisible among people. In 1776, Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations, an analysis of the production and exchange of goods among people. Money cannot be consumed yet it has value, an invisible quality. A pound of flour can be consumed but only as an ingredient in bread. It’s value is latent. In Part 1, Chapter 4, he wrote about the diamond water paradox. Water is far more useful to people than diamonds, yet the exchange value of water is much lower than that of diamonds. To help resolve the paradox, Smith developed two notions of value, value in use and value in exchange, and noted how unrelated the two values could be.

Value is a property as invisible as a god, its existence and effectiveness only apparent by its manifestation in the natural world. Value in use was a functional value, the ability of a commodity like corn to satisfy some human want. That function was only possible through transformation by people. The land had to be tilled and sown. The crop had to be weeded, harvested, and stored. Many foods needed a final transformation to make them palatable or digestible. While it was difficult to measure a property, the costs to realize the functional value of a commodity could be measured. In those days when humans or animals did most of the work, the chief cost of a commodity was human labor.

Value in exchange could also be measured by human labor, since this was the most common tradeable value that people had. Smith, David Ricardo and other early 19th century economists developed a labor theory of value as a solution to the riddle of the diamond water paradox. In the latter half of that century, the increasing use of machines in production tested the logic of that theory. Karl Marx was such a fierce adherent of the labor theory of value that he regarded any contribution by machinery or capital as an exploitation of labor.

Marginal Analysis in Economics

Marx introduced an edifice of historical, political and social relations that obscured the fundamental economic principles of exchange. In an effort to concentrate solely on the economic aspects of the marketplace, economists like Jevons, Edgewater and Marshall introduced the idea of marginal usefulness, or the value of one additional unit. Value was situational, determined by supply and demand, and based on individual preference.

How did these economists resolve the diamond water paradox? Water was vital to a human being, but when there is a good supply of it, an additional glass of water has little value. Because diamonds are scarce and convey a prestige highly valued by people, an additional diamond may have high marginal value.

Scarcity and surplus determine the price of a good. The seller of a loaf of bread does not price his product based on the wage or earnings of his customers. Buyers and sellers have a shortage or surplus of a good and want to maximize the usefulness of the next unit of that good or service. These economists, called marginalists, rejected the belief that there was any value infused in a commodity. The only measure of that value was the price.

Political and Social Theory

For more than a century, marginal analysis has been the dominant theory of economic study. Can it be used to understand political and social relationships? Perhaps not. It has some disturbing implications. Despotic governments are governed by marginal thinking, the idea that human value is based on a person’s usefulness to the ruling regime to maintain its power and control. In a liberal ideology, political rights are grounded in the theory of natural law, whose chief proponent was the 17th century philosopher John Locke. People are imbued by their creator with certain inherent or natural rights that are inviolable to a government.

A marginal analysis of personal and social relationships treats people as means to satisfy our ends. The philosopher Emmanuel Kant wrote “So act as to treat humanity, whether in your own person or in another, always as an end and never as only a means.” People had an intrinsic worth in their own right. But this view is not grounded in anything other than an agreement among people that humans have worth. Their suffering has meaning. Yuval Harari, the author of Sapiens, A Brief History of Humankind, laments the fact that people on one side of a conflict struggle to even acknowledge the suffering of people on the other side. We are so invested in the about the righteousness of our actions that we lose sight of the intrinsic worth of those on the other side of a conflict.

The Sacred and Humanist

People of faith claim that the natural world must be connected to the supernatural to have any meaning. Without a belief in a creator God, they claim that morality is ungrounded. Human life has value because we are creatures of God. The Constitution was divinely inspired, a work of the Christian God.

Humanists believe that people have a responsibility and capability to act ethically without a belief in supernatural gods (Source). That responsibility is based on our innate sense of compassion. That capability is born of our rationality. It is up to us, not some invisible gods, to shape the meaning of our lives. I hope to see you next week.

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Photo by Joshua Earle on Unsplash

Keywords: marginal, economics, categorical imperative, value, religion

Blurb: The gods of our ancestors have vacated heaven and now live among us in a myriad of forces and energy.

What is Value?

September 22, 2024

By Stephen Stofka

This week’s letter is about value. Is there a true value and how is it determined? Does the value of something depend on its usefulness or is it an unchanging abstract quality? What is the difference between true or intrinsic value and exchange value? What is the diamond-water paradox? Is there a true price P* of exchangeable goods, or a true price of money, the interest rate r*? Is there such a thing as a fair wage? Whenever government sets a price for something, it does so to correct a perceived distortion in the market price for that good. Governments pass rent control policies to set the price of housing, or establish a minimum wage. A central bank sets a benchmark interest rate that determines the price of borrowed money. Is there an intrinsic value to tradeable goods?

In Chapter 4 of The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, Adam Smith (1723 – 1790) discussed the two different meanings of the word value: value in use, and value in exchange. Like others of his time, Smith limited his concern to the value and price of commodities, not the scarce artisanal goods that only the wealthy could afford. “Nothing is more useful than water: but it  will purchase scarce anything…A diamond, on the contrary, has scarce any value in use; but a very great quantity of other goods may frequently be had in exchange for it.” Smith sought the “real measure of this exchangeable value” as well as the components of this real measure that he called the “natural price.” Lastly, how did circumstances affect the market price so that it differed from the natural price? This investigation, he warned the reader, would require three chapters of the book to fully explore. “I am always willing to run some hazard of being tedious in order to be sure that I am perspicuous,” he wrote, begging the reader’s patience.

Smith determined that the exchange value of a commodity is the “toil and trouble of acquiring it.” If Mary wants to exchange commodity A for commodity B, then the exchange value of A is the toil and trouble it will save Mary to get or make B. When Smith concluded that “Labour is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities,” he is referring to the labor saved by the buyers of a commodity. The natural price of a good, Smith later concluded, was the average of many different individual valuations within a region, varying by both region and country.

Smith’s theory of value differed from an earlier writer, Richard Cantillon (1680 – 1734) whose Essay on the Nature of Commerce was not published until 1754, a decade before the publication of Smith’s Wealth of Nations. “Land is the source … from whence all wealth is produced,” Cantillon wrote, voicing a view held by a prominent school of philosophers, the Physiocrats, although he was not a member of that school. The basis of wealth was agricultural, the difference between what was produced and the sum of the inputs. The fertility of the land provided that difference in value. Cantillon believed that “there is never a variation in intrinsic values” but that a mismatch between supply and demand can cause market prices to differ from their intrinsic value. In well-organized societies where production and consumption are more constant, Cantillon observed that there were only small variations between the market price and the intrinsic value.

David Ricardo, John B. Say and Karl Marx promoted economic theories where goods had both an intrinsic and market value, based on the labor needed to produce the goods. The debate over intrinsic value was an arbitrary set of definitions that could not be resolved. Finally, the Marginalist school of economists in the late 19th century rejected the idea of an intrinsic value as an economic concept. It was a speculative concept of philosophers and political scientists, not economists. There was no intrinsic value to a worker’s wage other than the marginal product of that labor. To an employer, the value of that labor input is only as much as the change in the output.

In The Distribution of Wealth published in 1899, John Bates Clark challenged the idea of marginal productivity as the basis for a worker’s wage. The problem was that the surplus supply of goods and labor played a key part in determining the value of the entire supply of that good. In Chapter 7 Clark noted that the price of all the wheat grown by farmers in the northwest United States was determined by the price of whatever surplus wheat there might be when all the wheat reached the marketplace. Why should the marginal surplus determine the price of an entire crop? In Chapter 8, he wrote that a worker’s wage was not based on a worker’s marginal productivity but the marginal loss to the employer if an employee left or wasn’t there. Clark called it a zone of indifference and within that zone were expendable workers. Should the wages of expendable workers become the standard for the wages of other workers, he asked.

The Marginalist economists separated Political Economy into two fields of study, describing transactional relations with mathematics to bring greater precision, clarity and scientific discipline to the study of economics. They disregarded what are called allocational inefficiencies,  flaws in the pricing system that distorted the distribution of goods and services. History, past policy, demographics and the local environment form a less flexible landscape that does not adjust to price signals in some markets. Governments try to correct those flaws, only to introduce other distortions into the pricing system that can be worse than those of a free market.

The real estate market in New York City is an example. In a free market, developers would respond to market demand, buying up single family homes, and “scraping” them to build two-plex and four-plex residences. Zoning regulations championed by local politicians and supported by existing homeowners interfere with that free market dynamic. Next week I will review the distortions that such zoning regulations and rent control introduce to the housing market.

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Photo by Evergreens & Dandelions on Unsplash

Clark, J. B. (1965). The distribution of wealth: A theory of wages, interest and profit. Augustus M. Kelley. There are several Kindle versions of this work for about $1 at Amazon.

Keywords: marginalist, Labor Theory of Value, fair wage, rent control